559 resultados para standard gas generation
Resumo:
Consideration of theoretical calculations \[E3LYP/aug-cc-pVDZ//B3LYP/6-31G(d)\] of the structures of ten C7H2 neutral isomers and the nine corresponding C7H2 radical anions have led us to synthesize four stable C7H2 radical anions in the ion source of our ZAB 2HF mass spectrometer, and to convert these to C7H2 neutrals. The four radical anion isomers prepared were (i) \[(HC equivalent to C)(2)C=C=C\](-.) \[from the reaction between (HC equivalent to C)(3)COCH3 and HO- \], (ii) \[HC=C=C=C=C=C=CH\](-.) \[from the reaction between HC equivalent to C-C equivalent to C-CD(OH)-C equivalent to CH and HO-\], (iii) \[C=C=C=C=C=C=CH2\](-.) \[from the reaction between DC equivalent to C-C equivalent to C-C equivalent to C-CH2OCH2CH3 and HO-\], and (iv) \[C equivalent to C-CH2-C equivalent to C-C equivalent to C\](-.) \[from the bis desilylation reaction of (CH3)(3)Si-C equivalent to C-CH2-C equivalent to C-C equivalent to C-Si (CH3)(3)With SF6-.\]. The four anions were further characterized by their collisional activation (negative ion) and charge reversal (CR, positive ion) mass spectra. The anions were converted into their corresponding neutrals by charge stripping, and the correspondence between the charge reversal (CR) and neutralization reionization (-NR+) mass spectra of each anion is taken as evidence that within the time frame of the -NR+ experiment (some 10(-6) s), each neutral is stable and undergoes no major rearrangement or interconversion to a more stable isomer. Theory and experiment are in accord for these systems.
Efficient extension of standard Schnorr/RSA signatures into Universal Designated-Verifier Signatures
Resumo:
Universal Designated-Verifier Signature (UDVS) schemes are digital signature schemes with additional functionality which allows any holder of a signature to designate the signature to any desired designated-verifier such that the designated-verifier can verify that the message was signed by the signer, but is unable to convince anyone else of this fact. Since UDVS schemes reduce to standard signatures when no verifier designation is performed, it is natural to ask how to extend the classical Schnorr or RSA signature schemes into UDVS schemes, so that the existing key generation and signing implementation infrastructure for these schemes can be used without modification. We show how this can be efficiently achieved, and provide proofs of security for our schemes in the random oracle model.
Resumo:
The results of comprehensive experimental studies of the operation, stability, and plasma parameters of the low-frequency (0.46 MHz) inductively coupled plasmas sustained by the internal oscillating rf current are reported. The rf plasma is generated by using a custom-designed configuration of the internal rf coil that comprises two perpendicular sets of eight currents in each direction. Various diagnostic tools, such as magnetic probes, optical emission spectroscopy, and an rf-compensated Langmuir probe were used to investigate the electromagnetic, optical, and global properties of the argon plasma in wide ranges of the applied rf power and gas feedstock pressure. It is found that the uniformity of the electromagnetic field inside the plasma reactor is improved as compared to the conventional sources of inductively coupled plasmas with the external flat coil configuration. A reasonable agreement between the experimental data and computed electromagnetic field topography inside the chamber is reported. The Langmuir probe measurements reveal that the spatial profiles of the electron density, the effective electron temperature, plasma potential, and electron energy distribution/probability functions feature a high degree of the radial and axial uniformity and a weak azimuthal dependence, which is consistent with the earlier theoretical predictions. As the input rf power increases, the azimuthal dependence of the global plasma parameters vanishes. The obtained results demonstrate that by introducing the internal oscillated rf currents one can noticeably improve the uniformity of electromagnetic field topography, rf power deposition, and the plasma density in the reactor.
Resumo:
Catalytic probes are used for plasma diagnostics in order to quantify the density of neutral atoms. The probe response primarily depends on the probe material and its surface morphology. Here we report on the design, operation and modelling of the response of niobium pentoxide sensors with a flat and nanowire (NW) surfaces. These sensors were used to detect neutral oxygen atoms in the afterglow region of an inductively coupled rf discharge in oxygen. A very different response of the flat-surface and NW probes to the varying densities of oxygen atoms was explained by modelling heat conduction and taking into account the associated temperature gradients. It was found that the nanostructure probe can measure in a broader range than the flat oxide probe due to an increase in the surface to volume ratio, and the presence of nanostructures which act as a thermal barrier against sensor overheating. These results can be used for the development of the new generation of catalytic probes for gas/discharge diagnostics in a range of industrial and environmental applications.
Resumo:
A nonlinear process is considered of the surface wave third harmonics generation in a slowing-down semiconductor-metal structure. The process is conditioned by non-parabolicity of the charge carrier dispersion law. It is shown that in narrow-gap semiconducting materials it is necessary to account for the process together with the surface wave second harmonics generation conditioned by nonlinearity of quasi-hydrodynamics and the Maxwell equations. The conclusion is made that the third harmonies amplitude in narrow-gap semiconductors may exceed substantially the signal amplitude at the 3w frequency in a gas plasma and be of the same order with the surface waves second harmonies amplitude.
Resumo:
Throughout the world, there is increasing pressure on governments, companies,regulators and standard-setters to respond to the global challenge of climate change. The growing number of regulatory requirements for organisations to disclose their greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and emergent national, regional and international emissions trading schemes (ETSs) reflect key government responses to this challenge. Assurance of GHG emissions disclosures enhances the credibility of these disclosures and any associated trading schemes. The auditing and assurance profession has an important role to play in the provision of such assurance, highlighted by the International Auditing and Assurance Standards Board’s (IAASB) decision to develop an international GHG emissions assurance standard. This article sets out the developments to date on an international standard for the assurance of GHG emissions disclosures. It then provides information on the way Australian companies have responded to the challenge of GHG reporting and assurance. Finally, it outlines the types of assurance that assurance providers in Australia are currently providing in this area.
Resumo:
In response to current and increasing demand for assurance on greenhouse gas statements, the International Auditing and Assurance Standards Board (IAASB) released an exposure draft of a new assurance standard, ISAE 3410 'Assurance on a Greenhouse Gas Statement' (IFAC 2011), to provide comprehensive guidance on these types of greenhouse gas (GHG) assurance engagements. Internationally, approximately 50 percent of GHG statements are independently assured. The related assurance market is competitive, with the accounting profession and those outside the profession currently holding approximately equal shares. This paper highlights the characteristics of GHG assurance engagements that warrant multi-disciplinary teamwork, the unique and interdependent skill-sets that different practitioners bring to these engagements, and the market forces that create a demand for diverse providers.
Resumo:
Due to the increasing recognition of global climate change, the building and construction industry is under pressure to reduce carbon emissions. A central issue in striving towards reduced carbon emissions is the need for a practicable and meaningful yardstick for assessing and communicating greenhouse gas (GHG) results. ISO 14067 was published by the International Organization for Standardization in May 2013. By providing specific requirements in the life cycle assessment (LCA) approach, the standard clarifies the GHG assessment in the aspects of choosing system boundaries and simulating use and end-of-life phases when quantifying carbon footprint of products (CFPs). More importantly, the standard, for the first time, provides step-to-step guidance and standardized template for communicating CFPs in the form of CFP external communication report, CFP performance tracking report, CFP declaration and CFP label. ISO 14067 therefore makes a valuable contribution to GHG quantification and transparent communication and comparison of CFPs. In addition, as cradle-to-grave should be used as the system boundary if use and end-of-life phases can be simulated, ISO 14067 will hopefully promote the development and implementation of simulation technologies, with Building Information Modelling (BIM) in particular, in the building and construction industry.
Resumo:
In life cycle assessment studies, greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from direct land-use change have been estimated to make a significant contribution to the global warming potential of agricultural products. However, these estimates have a high uncertainty due to the complexity of data requirements and difficulty in attribution of land-use change. This paper presents estimates of GHG emissions from direct land-use change from native woodland to grazing land for two beef production regions in eastern Australia, which were the subject of a multi-impact life cycle assessment study for premium beef production. Spatially- and temporally consistent datasets were derived for areas of forest cover and biomass carbon stocks using published remotely sensed tree-cover data and regionally applicable allometric equations consistent with Australia's national GHG inventory report. Standard life cycle assessment methodology was used to estimate GHG emissions and removals from direct land-use change attributed to beef production. For the northern-central New South Wales region of Australia estimates ranged from a net emission of 0.03 t CO2-e ha-1 year-1 to net removal of 0.12 t CO2-e ha-1 year-1 using low and high scenarios, respectively, for sequestration in regrowing forests. For the same period (1990-2010), the study region in southern-central Queensland was estimated to have net emissions from land-use change in the range of 0.45-0.25 t CO2-e ha-1 year-1. The difference between regions reflects continuation of higher rates of deforestation in Queensland until strict regulation in 2006 whereas native vegetation protection laws were introduced earlier in New South Wales. On the basis of liveweight produced at the farm-gate, emissions from direct land-use change for 1990-2010 were comparable in magnitude to those from other on-farm sources, which were dominated by enteric methane. However, calculation of land-use change impacts for the Queensland region for a period starting 2006, gave a range from net emissions of 0.11 t CO2-e ha-1 year-1 to net removals of 0.07 t CO2-e ha-1 year-1. This study demonstrated a method for deriving spatially- and temporally consistent datasets to improve estimates for direct land-use change impacts in life cycle assessment. It identified areas of uncertainty, including rates of sequestration in woody regrowth and impacts of land-use change on soil carbon stocks in grazed woodlands, but also showed the potential for direct land-use change to represent a net sink for GHG.
Resumo:
The system for high utilization of LNG cold energy is proposed by use of process simulator. The proposed design is a closed loop system, and composed by a Hampson type heat exchanger, turbines, pumps and advanced humid air turbine (AHAT) or Gas turbine combined cycle (GTCC). Its heat sources are Boil-off gas and cooling water for AHAT or GTCC. The higher cold exergy recovery to power can be about 38 to 56% as compared to the existing cold power generation of about 20% with a Rankine cycle of a single component. The advantage of the proposed system is to reduce the number of heat exchangers. Furthermore, the environmental impact is minimized because the proposed design is a closed loop system. A life cycle comparative cost is calculated to demonstrate feasibility of the proposed design. The development of the Hampson type exchangers is expected to meet the key functional requirements and will result in much higher LNG cold exergy recovery and the overall system performance i.e. re-gasification. Additionally, the proposed design is expected to provide flexibility to meet different gas pressure suited for the deregulation of energy system in Japan and higher reliability for an integrated boil-off gas system.
Resumo:
It is difficult to determine sulfur-containing volatile organic compounds in the atmosphere because of their reactivity. Primary off-line techniques may suffer losses of analytes during the transportation from field to laboratory and sample preparation. In this study, a novel method was developed to directly measure dimethyl sulfide at parts-per-billion concentration levels in the atmosphere using vacuum ultraviolet single photon ionization time-of-flight mass spectrometry. This technique offers continuous sampling at a response rate of one measurement per second, or cumulative measurements over longer time periods. Laboratory prepared samples of different concentrations of dimethyl sulfide in pure nitrogen gas were analyzed at several sampling frequencies. Good precision was achieved using sampling periods of at least 60 seconds with a relative standard deviation of less than 25%. The detection limit for dimethyl sulfide was below the 3 ppb olfactory threshold. These results demonstrate that single photon ionization time-of-flight mass spectrometry is a valuable tool for rapid, real-time measurements of sulfur-containing organic compounds in the air.
Resumo:
Atmospheric pressure gas plasma (AGP) generates reactive oxygen species (ROS) that induce apoptosis in cultured cancer cells. The majority of cancer cells develop a ROS-scavenging anti-oxidant system regulated by Nrf2, which confers resistance to ROS-mediated cancer cell death. Generation of ROS is involved in the AGP-induced cancer cell death of several colorectal cancer cells (Caco2, HCT116 and SW480) by activation of ASK1-mediated apoptosis signaling pathway without affecting control cells (human colonic sub-epithelial myofibroblasts; CO18, human fetal lung fibroblast; MRC5 and fetal human colon; FHC). However, the identity of an oxidase participating in AGP-induced cancer cell death is unknown. Here, we report that AGP up-regulates the expression of Nox2 (NADPH oxidase) to produce ROS. RNA interference designed to target Nox2 effectively inhibits the AGP-induced ROS production and cancer cell death. In some cases both colorectal cancer HT29 and control cells showed resistance to AGP treatment. Compared to AGP-sensitive Caco2 cells, HT29 cells show a higher basal level of the anti-oxidant system transcriptional regulator Nrf2 and its target protein sulfiredoxin (Srx) which are involved in cellular redox homeostasis. Silencing of both Nrf2 and Srx sensitized HT29 cells, leads to ROS overproduction and decreased cell viability. This indicates that in HT29 cells, Nrf2/Srx axis is a protective factor against AGP-induced oxidative stress. The inhibition of Nrf2/Srx signaling should be considered as a central target in drug-resistant colorectal cancer treatments.
Resumo:
There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.