Sacred cows and crashing boars : ethno-religious minorities and the politics of online representation in Malaysia

Starting with the incident now known as the Cow’s Head Protest, this article traces and unpacks the events, techniques, and conditions surrounding the representation of ethno-religious minorities in Malaysia. The author suggests that the Malaysian Indians’ struggle to correct the dominant reading of their community as an impoverished and humbled underclass is a disruption of the dominant cultural order in Malaysia. It is also among the key events to have has set in motion a set of dynamics—the visual turn—introduced by new media into the politics of ethno-communal representation in Malaysia. Believing that this situation requires urgent examination the author attempts to outline the problematics of the task.

'In the hands of the Receivers': The Politics of Literacy in The Savage by David Almond and Dave McKean

David Almond and Dave McKean's The Savage is a hybrid prose and graphic novel which tells the story of one young man’s maturation through literacy. The protagonist learns to deal with the death of his father and his own 'savage' self by writing a graphic novel. This article reads The Savage in the context of earlier, 'Northern' literacy narrative - particularly Tony Harrison's poem "Them & [uz]" and Barry Hines' Kes — through the discourse of neoliberalism and the notion of the reluctant boy reader. It is suggested that Almond and McKean are influenced by currently dominant ideologies of gender and literacy.

The perils and politics of criminological research and the threat to academic freedom

This article focuses on government acts of intimidation or the "policing of knowledge". It is more concerned with the suppression of academic freedom, the contractual ambiguities of contemporary criminological research and the ways in which independent scholarship is controlled or influenced by funding bodies than with the specifics of the original crime prevention research which forms the basis of the case study.

White Lines: The Intercultural Politics of Everyday Movement in Local Spaces

This article draws on research into racist vilification experienced by young Arab and Muslim Australians especially since 11 September 2001, to explore the links between public space, movement and national belonging, and the spatial regulation of cultural difference that functions in Australia. The authors analyse the way that the capacity to experience forms of national belonging and cultural citizenship is shaped by inclusion within or exclusion from local as well as nationally significant public spaces. While access to public space and freedom to move are conventionally seen as fundamental to a democratic state, these are often seen in abstract terms. This article emphasises how movement in public space is a very concrete dimension of our experience of freedom, in showing how incivilities directed against Arab and Muslim Australians have operated pedagogically as a spatialised regulation of national belonging. The article concludes by examining how processes associated with the Cronulla riots of December 2005 have retarded the capacities of Muslim and Arab Australians to negotiate within and across spaces, diminishing their opportunities to invest in local and national spaces, shrinking their resources and opportunities for place-making in public space.

The performance and politics of practice for New Graduate Nurses

The change from nursing student to Registered Nurse (RNs) is both a desirable and anticipated event for New Graduate Nurses (NGNs). Having completed their formal education, most NGNs approach the threshold of their professional career with mixed emotions. While excited about the future and eagerly awaiting the commencement of employment, many are aware that this change also signifies a time of personal upheaval, professional insecurity and further personal learning. In the nursing professions’ enthusiasm to facilitate a smooth passage for NGNs a vast literature now addresses preparation-for-practice degrees, as well as the perceived workplace deficits and support needs of NGNs. However, the importance this change from working as a student to working as a NGN is not well conceptualised, theorised or understood as this largely instrumental literature essentially reduces the problematisation of the NGN transition experience to the problematisation of the individual by identifying NGNs as ‘the’ problem. Subsequently it fails to expose or challenge the normative assumptions underpinning processes that have formerly been considered solutions, or, the impact of such processes in a workplace that frames itself as “supportive”. Conspicuously absent is an exploration of how the NGN role is performed by former students, now beginning RNs undergoing the very personal transition of “becoming registered nurses”. Using Goffman’s (1956) theorisation of performance in everyday life exploring how process and meaning in mundane interactions present themselves in the “regular” lives of people at large, and Margaret Archer’s (2000) work emphasising the significance of the inner dialogue for managing the emotions that emerge out of situations that confront us, this paper draws upon data collected during a study of NGNs’ experience of transition to practice (Malouf 2010). It focuses on an emergent understanding of the need to differentiate the performance of ‘student’ from that of ‘NGN’ role. Further, it explores how these roles have become conflated into a conceptual continuum and viewed as a slide from student to NGN performance, rather than a significant moment of change involving roles that need to be distinctly defined as a necessary precursor to enhancing and supporting the professional and personal development of beginning practitioners.

Confronting consensus : the art and politics of Christopher Howlett

The article discusses the art career and works of Brisbane artist Christopher Howlett. Howlett has engaged with a number of political issues in a range of media. Issues include the artist as 'labourer', art in the age of tabloid media, art and celebrity culture in media such as performance, installation, sound works, and digital frameworks.

Et tu, George? Campaign journalism and the politics of compromise

There is a category of film about journalism in which journalism is not the star, but the supporting player, and journalists not the protagonists but the Greek chorus, commenting on and also changing the realities they report. In such films the news media are a structuring presence driving the plot, shaping the narrative, constructing what we might think of as a pseudo-reality. Like Daniel Boorstin’s notion of the pseudo-event (introduced in his still-relevant book The Image, 1962), this pseudo-reality is so-named because it would not exist were it not for the demands of the news media’s hunger for stories, and knowledge of the damage they can do with those stories, on the calculations and actions of the key actors. Pseudo-realities form as responses to what political actors think journalists and their organisations need and want, or as efforts to shape journalistic accounts in ways favourable to themselves. Films about politics often feature pseudorealities of this kind, in which the events and actions driving the plot have only a tenuous relationship with important things going on in the everyday world beyond the political arena. Everything we see is about image, perception, appearance.

The politics of gang research in New Zealand

Like many other Western jurisdictions over the past sixty years, New Zealand has had to contend with episodes of moral panic regarding the activities of youth gangs. The most recent episode occurred in 2005-2007 and was spurred by a perceived escalation in inter-gang conflict and violence in the Counties Manukau areas within greater Auckland, New Zealand. This particular episode was unique in the New Zealand context for the level of attention given to youth gangs by the government and policy makers. This paper reports on the authors’ experiences of carrying out research on the youth gang situation inCounties Manukauas part of an inter-agency project to develop a response to gang-related violence. Particular attention is paid to the ways in which government officials attempted to mould the research process and findings to suit an already emerging policy framework, predicated on supporting ‘business as usual’, at the expense of research participants calls for great autonomy to develop and delivery appropriate youth services to their communities.

Cameron's hot air. Pollution, fraud and the politics of carbon emissions

It is widely recognised that exposure to air pollutants affect pulmonary and lung dysfunction as well as a range of neurological and vascular disorders. The rapid increase of worldwide carbon emissions continues to compromise environmental sustainability whilst contributing to premature death. Moreover, the harms caused by air pollution have a more pernicious reach, such as being the major source of climate change and ‘natural disasters’, which reportedly kills millions of people each year (World Health Organization, 2012). The opening quotations tell a story of the UK government's complacency towards the devastation of toxic and contaminating air emissions. The above headlines greeted the British public earlier this year after its government was taken to the Court of Appeal for an appalling air pollution record that continues to cause the premature deaths of 30,000 British people each year at a health cost estimated at £20 billion per annum. This combined with pending legal proceedings against the UK government for air pollution violations by the European Commission, point to a Cameron government that prioritises hot air and profit margins over human lives. The UK's legal air pollution regimes are an industry dominated process that relies on negotiation and partnership between regulators and polluters. The entire model seeks to assist business compliance rather than punish corporate offenders. There is no language of ‘crime’ in relation to UK air pollution violations but rather a discourse of ‘exceedence’ (Walters, 2010). It is a regulatory system not premised on the ‘polluter pay’ principle but instead the ‘polluter profit’ principle.