25 resultados para Foreign trade and employment


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Current discussions regarding the relationship between welfare governance systems and employment promotion in disability policy appeal to a rejuvenated neo-liberal and paternalistic understanding of welfare governance. At the core of this rationality is the argument that people with disabilities not only have rights, but also duties, in relation to the State. In the Australia welfare system, policy tools are deployed to produce a form of self-discipline, whereby the State emphasises personal responsibility via assessment tools, ‘mutual obligation’ policy, and motivational strategies. Drawing on a two-year semi-longitudinal study with 80 people with a disability accessing welfare benefits, we examine how welfare governance subject recipients to strategies to produce productive citizens who are able to contribute to the national goal of maintaining competitiveness in the global economy. Participants’ interviews reveal the intended and unintended effects of this activation policy, including some acceptance of the logic of welfare-to-work and counter-hegemonic resistance to de-valued social identities.

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Recent welfare reform in Australia has been constructed around the now-familiar principle of paid work and willingness to work as the fundamental marker of social citizenship. Beginning with the long-term unemployed in Australia in the mid 1990s, the scope of welfare reform has now extended to include people with a disability – which is a category of income support that has been growing in Australia. From the national government’s point of view this growth is a financial concern as it seeks to move as many people as possible into paid work to support the costs of an ageing population (DEWR, 2005). In doing so, the government has changed the meaning of disability in terms of eligibility for financial support from the state, and at the same time redefined the role of people with a disability with regard to work, and the role of the state with regard to the disabled. This has been a matter of some political contention in Australia.

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This Special Issue of New Technology, Work and Employment has been prompted by the increasing awareness in many countries of the need to maintain and grow their science and innovation base. The development of science, engineering, technology and mathematics (STEM) skills and capacity is seen as vital for economic development and prosperity through its impact on national and regional research and development (R&D), technological advancement, and innovation potential.

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The US dollar is still considered as the main strategic deposit among the currencies of different countries of the world and the policies of the World Bank and the International Financial Organizations have been and will always be influenced by the US economy. Despite the economic crises and commercial balance deficits in the United States, dollar has maintained its high position in and its domination over foreign exchanges and foreign-currency deposits of the countries. The novelty of the present research relies on its consideration of the political properties of the governments and the geopolitical effects of these countries on the position of their monetary and foreign-currency policies and consequently, on the international financial organizations such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, which can determine the future of international economy and the political relations among countries. Our research proves that the political development of the United States and its geopolitical situation have been of the effective factors on dollar growth; and unless the competitors acquire such a relative advantage, they will not be able to seriously challenge the currency of dollar and the monetary policies of the United States, at least in a short time

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This study used prospective birth cohort data to analyse the relationship between peer aggression at 14 years of age and educational and employment outcomes at 17 years (N = 1091) and 20 years (N = 1003). Participants from the Western Australian Pregnancy Cohort (Raine) study were divided into mutually exclusive categories of peer aggression. Involvement in peer aggression was reported by 40.2% (10.1% victims; 21.4% perpetrators; 8.7% victim–perpetrators) of participants. Participants involved in any form of peer aggression were less likely to complete secondary school. Perpetrators and victim–perpetrators of peer aggression were more likely to be in the ‘No Education, Employment or Training’ group at 20 years of age. This association was explained by non-completion of secondary school. These findings demonstrate a robust association between involvement in peer aggression and non-completion of secondary school, which in turn was associated with an increased risk of poor educational and employment outcomes in early adulthood.

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The Prime Minister of Australia, Tony Abbott, has said that ‘Australia is Open for Business’. His trade and investment minister, Andrew Robb, has vigorously pursued bilateral trade agreements with neighbours, South Korea, Japan, China, and India — as well as the regional trade agreement, the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Such trade activity raises questions about the relationship between trade policy and human rights. If we are open for business, should we be open for business for countries engaged in human rights abuses? Should enter into trade agreements, which could have an adverse upon human rights? The Trans-Pacific Partnership highlights a range of problems with Australia’s treaty-making process. One important issue is the question of the relationship between trade and human rights.

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South Africa is an emerging and industrializing economy which is experiencing remarkable progress. We contend that amidst the developments in the economy, the role of energy, trade openness and financial development are critical. In this article, we revisit the pivotal role of these factors. We use the ARDL bounds [72], the Bayer and Hanck [11] cointegration techniques, and an extended Cobb–Douglas framework, to examine the long-run association with output per worker over the sample period 1971–2011. The results support long-run association between output per worker, capital per worker and the shift parameters. The short-run elasticity coefficients are as follows: energy (0.24), trade (0.07), financial development (−0.03). In the long-run, the elasticity coefficients are: trade openness (0.05), energy (0.29), and financial development (−0.04). In both the short-run and the long-run, we note the post-2000 period has a marginal positive effect on the economy. The Toda and Yamamoto [91] Granger causality results show that a unidirectional causality from capital stock and energy consumption to output; and from capital stock to trade openness; a bidirectional causality between trade openness and output; and absence (neutrality) of any causality between financial development and output thus indicating that these two variables evolve independent of each other.