138 resultados para Boston Female Anti-slavery Society.


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Female genital mutilation (FGM) is a cultural practice involving the deliberate, non-therapeutic physical modification of young girls’ genitalia. FGM can take several forms, ranging from smaller incisions, to removal of the clitoris and labia, and narrowing or even closing of the vagina. FGM predates and has no basis in the Koran, or any other religious text. Rather, it is a cultural tradition, particularly common in Islamic societies in regions of Africa, motivated by a patriarchal societys desire to control female bodies and lives. The primary reason for this desire for control is to ensure virginity at marriage, thereby preserving family honour, within a patriarchal social structure where females’ value as persons is intrinsically connected to, and limited to, their worth as virgin brides. Recent efforts at legal prohibition and practical eradication in a growing number of African nations mark a significant turning point in how societies treat females. This shift in cultural power has been catalysed by a concern for female health, but it has also been motivated by an impulse to promote the human rights of girls and women. Although FGM remains widely practiced and there is much progress yet to be made before its eradication, the rights-based approach which has grown in strength embodies a marked shift in cultural power which reflects progress in women’s and children’s rights in the Western world, but which is now being applied in a different cultural context. This chapter reviews the nature of FGM, its prevalence, and health consequences. It discusses recent legal, cultural and practical developments, especially in African nations. Finally, this chapter raises the possibility that an absolute human right against FGM may emerge.

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Context: Anti-Müllerian hormone (AMH) concentration reflects ovarian aging and is argued to be a useful predictor of age at menopause (AMP). It is hypothesized that AMH falling below a critical threshold corresponds to follicle depletion, which results in menopause. With this threshold, theoretical predictions of AMP can be made. Comparisons of such predictions with observed AMP from population studies support the role for AMH as a forecaster of menopause. Objective: The objective of the study was to investigate whether previous relationships between AMH and AMP are valid using a much larger data set. Setting: AMH was measured in 27 563 women attending fertility clinics. Study Design: From these data a model of age-related AMH change was constructed using a robust regression analysis. Data on AMP from subfertile women were obtained from the population-based Prospect-European Prospective Investigation into Cancer and Nutrition (Prospect- EPIC) cohort (n � 2249). By constructing a probability distribution of age at which AMH falls below a critical threshold and fitting this to Prospect-EPIC menopausal age data using maximum likelihood, such a threshold was estimated. Main Outcome: The main outcome was conformity between observed and predicted AMP. Results: To get a distribution of AMH-predicted AMP that fit the Prospect-EPIC data, we found the critical AMH threshold should vary among women in such a way that women with low age-specific AMH would have lower thresholds, whereas women with high age-specific AMH would have higher thresholds (mean 0.075 ng/mL; interquartile range 0.038–0.15 ng/mL). Such a varying AMH threshold for menopause is a novel and biologically plausible finding. AMH became undetectable (�0.2 ng/mL) approximately 5 years before the occurrence of menopause, in line with a previous report. Conclusions: The conformity of the observed and predicted distributions of AMP supports the hypothesis that declining population averages of AMH are associated with menopause, making AMH an excellent candidate biomarker for AMP prediction. Further research will help establish the accuracy of AMH levels to predict AMP within individuals.

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Skin cancer is one of the most commonly occurring cancer types, with substantial social, physical, and financial burdens on both individuals and societies. Although the role of UV light in initiating skin cancer development has been well characterized, genetic studies continue to show that predisposing factors can influence an individual's susceptibility to skin cancer and response to treatment. In the future, it is hoped that genetic profiles, comprising a number of genetic markers collectively involved in skin cancer susceptibility and response to treatment or prognosis, will aid in more accurately informing practitioners' choices of treatment. Individualized treatment based on these profiles has the potential to increase the efficacy of treatments, saving both time and money for the patient by avoiding the need for extensive or repeated treatment. Increased treatment responses may in turn prevent recurrence of skin cancers, reducing the burden of this disease on society. Currently existing pharmacogenomic tests, such as those that assess variation in the metabolism of the anticancer drug fluorouracil, have the potential to reduce the toxic effects of anti-tumor drugs used in the treatment of non-melanoma skin cancer (NMSC) by determining individualized appropriate dosage. If the savings generated by reducing adverse events negate the costs of developing these tests, pharmacogenomic testing may increasingly inform personalized NMSC treatment.

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Introduction: The Paradox at the Heart of Online Interaction

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The studies presented in this review explore three distinct areas with potential for inhibiting HIV infection in women. Based on emerging information from the physiology, endocrinology and immunology of the female reproductive tract (FRT), we propose unique 'works in progress' for protecting women from HIV. Various aspects of FRT immunity are suppressed by estradiol during the menstrual cycle, making women more susceptible to HIV infection. By engineering commensal Lactobacillus to secrete the anti-HIV molecule Elafin as estradiol levels increase, women could be protected from HIV infection. Selective estrogen response modifiers enhance barrier integrity and enhance secretion of protective anti-HIV molecules. Finally, understanding the interactions and regulation of FRT endogenous antimicrobials, proteases, antiproteases, etc., all of which are under hormonal control, will open new avenues to therapeutic manipulation of the FRT mucosal microenvironment. By seeking new alternatives to preventing HIV infection in women, we may finally disrupt the HIV pandemic.

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We report a novel technology for the rapid healing of large osseous and chondral defects, based upon the genetic modification of autologous skeletal muscle and fat grafts. These tissues were selected because they not only possess mesenchymal progenitor cells and scaffolding properties, but also can be biopsied, genetically modified and returned to the patient in a single operative session. First generation adenovirus vector carrying cDNA encoding human bone morphogenetic protein-2 (Ad.BMP-2) was used for gene transfer to biopsies of muscle and fat. To assess bone healing, the genetically modified (“gene activated”) tissues were implanted into 5mm-long critical size, mid-diaphyseal, stabilized defects in the femora of Fischer rats. Unlike control defects, those receiving gene-activated muscle underwent rapid healing, with evidence of radiologic bridging as early as 10 days after implantation and restoration of full mechanical strength by 8 weeks. Histologic analysis suggests that the grafts rapidly differentiated into cartilage, followed by efficient endochondral ossification. Fluorescence in situ hybridization detection of Y-chromosomes following the transfer of male donor muscle into female rats demonstrated that at least some of the osteoblasts of the healed bone were derived from donor muscle. Gene activated fat also healed critical sized defects, but less quickly than muscle and with more variability. Anti-adenovirus antibodies were not detected. Pilot studies in a rabbit osteochondral defect model demonstrated the promise of this technology for healing cartilage defects. Further development of these methods should provide ways to heal bone and cartilage more expeditiously, and at lower cost, than is presently possible.

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Introduction Female sexual functioning is affected by a range of factors including motivation, psychological well-being, and relationship issues. In understanding female sexual dysfunction (FSD), there has been a tendency to privilege diagnostic and medical over relationship issues. Aim To investigate the association between women’s experience of intimacy in close relationships - operationalized in terms of attachment and degree of differentiation of self - and FSD. Methods Two hundred and thirty sexually active Australian women responded to an invitation to complete a set of validated scales to assess potential correlates of sexual functioning. Main Outcome Measures The Female Sexuality Function Index, the Experiences in Close Relationships Scale, the Differentiation of Self Inventory, as well as a set of study-specific questions were subject to hierarchical multiple regression analyses Results Relational variables of attachment avoidance and to a lesser degree, attachment anxiety were associated with FSD. Participants with lower levels of differentiation of self were more likely to report sexual difficulties. The inability to maintain a sense of self in the presence of intimate others was the strongest predictors of sexual problems. A history of sexual abuse in adulthood and higher levels of psychological distress were also associated with sexual difficulties. Conclusions The findings provide support for a relational understanding of female sexual functioning. Attachment avoidance, attachment anxiety, and degree of differentiation of self are shown to be associated with sexual difficulties. The findings support the need to focus on relational and psychological factors in women’s experience of sex.

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Background The utility of GATA3 as a marker for metastatic breast carcinoma in serous effusion specimens was investigated. Methods Cell block sections from 74 serous effusion specimens (32 ascitic, 2 pericardial and 40 pleural fluids) were stained with an anti-GATA3 murine monoclonal antibody. The specimens included 62 confirmed metastatic carcinomas from breast (30), female genital tract (13), gastrointestinal tract (7), lung adenocarcinoma (9), pancreas (1), kidney (1) and bladder (1). The breast carcinoma cases included 15 ductal carcinomas, 8 lobular carcinomas and in 7 the histology sub-type was not available. Twelve cases containing florid reactive mesothelial cells were also stained. The breast carcinoma cases were also stained for mammaglobin and GCDFP-15 to compare sensitivity with GATA3. Results Positive nuclear staining for GATA3 was present in 90% (27/30) of metastatic breast carcinoma specimens. All non-breast metastatic carcinomas tested were negative with the exception of the single case of metastatic urothelial carcinoma. No staining was observed in any of the benign reactive cases or in benign mesothelial cells present in the malignant cell block preparations. Two cases showed weak positivity of benign lymphoid cells. Staining results were unambiguous as all positive cases showed intense nuclear staining in >50% of tumor cells. Mammaglobin (57%; 17/30) and GCDFP-15 (33%; 10/30) were less sensitive markers of breast carcinoma. If used in a panel, mammaglobin and GCFP-15 staining would have identified only one additional case to those stained with GATA3. Conclusions GATA3 may be a useful addition to immunostaining panels for serous effusion specimens when metastatic breast carcinoma is a consideration.

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Radiosensitizing Effect of Electrochemotherapy in a Fractionated Radiation Regimen in Radiosensitive Murine Sarcoma and Radioresistant Adenocarcinoma Tumor Model. Electrochemotherapy can potentiate the radiosensitizing effect of bleomycin, as shown in our previous studies. To bring this treatment closer to use in clinical practice, we evaluated the interaction between electrochemotherapy with bleomycin and single-dose or fractionated radiation in two murine tumor models with different histology and radiosensitivity. Radiosensitive sarcoma SA-1 and radioresistant adenocarcinoma CaNT subcutaneous tumors grown in A/J and CBA mice, respectively, were used. The anti-tumor effect and skin damage around the treated tumors were evaluated after electrochemotherapy with bleomycin alone or combined with single-dose radiation or a fractionated radiation regimen. The anti-tumor effectiveness of electrochemotherapy was more pronounced in SA-1 than CaNT tumors. In both tumor models, the tumor response to radiation was not significantly influenced by bleomycin alone or by electroporation alone. However, electrochemotherapy before the first tumor irradiation potentiated the response to a single-dose or fractionated radiation regimen in both tumors. For the fractionated radiation regimen, normal skin around the treated tumors was damaged fourfold less than for the single-dose regimen. Electrochemotherapy prior to single-dose irradiation induced more damage to the skin around the treated tumors and greater loss of body weight compared to other irradiated groups, whereas electrochemotherapy combined with the fractionated radiation regimen did not. Electrochemotherapy with low doses of bleomycin can also be used safely for radiosensitization of different types of tumors in a fractionated radiation regimen, resulting in a good anti-tumor effect and no major potentiating effect on radiation-induced skin damage. © 2009 by Radiation Research Society.

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This book attempts to persuade a new generation of scholars, criminologists, activists, and policy makers sympathetic to the quest for global justice to open the envelope, to step out of their comfort zones and typical frames of analysis to gaze at a world full of injustice against the female sex, much of it systemic, linked to culture, custom and religion. In some instances the sources of these injustices intersect with those that produce global inequality, imperialism and racism. This book also investigates circumstances where the globalising forces cultivate male on male violence in the anomic spaces of supercapitalism – the border zones of Mexico and the United States, and the frontier mining communities in the Australian desert. However systemic gendered injustices, such as forced marriage of child female brides, sati the cremation of widows, genital cutting, honour crimes, rape and domestic violence against women, are forms of violence only experienced by the female sex. The book does not shirk away from female violence either. Carrington argues that if feminism wants to have a voice in the public, cultural, political and criminological debates about heightened, albeit often exaggerated, social concerns about growing female violence and engagement in terrorism, then new directions in theorising female violence are required. Feminist silences about the violent crimes, atrocities and acts of terrorism committed by the female sex leave anti-feminist explanations uncontested. This allows a discursive space for feminist backlash ideologues to flourish. This book contests those ideologies to offer counter explanations for the rise in female violence and female terrorism, in a global context where systemic gendered violence against women is alarming and entrenched. The world needs feminism to take hold across the globe, now more than ever.

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Female genital cutting (also often called female genital mutilation, or female circumcision) is a cultural practice that originated thousands of years ago. Female genital cutting has various forms, some of which are more invasive than others, but all of which produce health, legal and social consequences for those involved. Due to patterns of immigration in Australia, especially since the 1990s, there are women in Australia who have experienced female genital cutting. There may be some families, or some parents, who still hold a cultural commitment to female genital cutting. As a result, female genital cutting presents complex legal, ethical, medical and social challenges in contemporary Australian society. Medical practitioners and other health and welfare workers may encounter women who have experienced genital cutting and who require treatment for its sequelae. Currently, legislative frameworks for female genital cutting vary across states and territories, including the penalties for conducting it, and for removing a child for the purpose of conducting it outside Australia. This presentation provides an overview of the history, nature and consequences of the various forms of female genital cutting, and of the major Australian legal principles, ethical controversies, and medical, legal and social challenges in this field.

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Women’s participation in paid employment has become a common scenario even in non-western developing countries. For example in Malaysia, the trend is growing although the traditional gender role remains strong in Malaysian society. Even though working, women are still expected to assume major responsibilities at home. Thus, as opposed to men, women in this society face the challenge to satisfactorily balance work and family. This study was carried out to explore how Malaysian women perceive the meaning of a balanced work-family life. Sampling women teachers, the interview findings revealed that work-family balance was mainly perceived in terms of an individual’s ‘ability to fulfill role obligation’ appropriately in both the work and family domains. A few participants also viewed balance in the context of role satisfaction and role interference. Overall, the results support the assumption in the literature that perceptions of work-family experience are not universal, rather, the construct of work-family balance is culture-specific.

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Female greater wax moths Galleria mellonella display by wing fanning in response to bursts of ultrasonic calls produced by males. The temporal and spectral characteristics of these calls show some similarities with the echolocation calls of bats that emit frequency-modulated (FM) signals. Female G. mellonella therefore need to distinguish between the attractive signals of male conspecifics, which may lead to mating opportunities, and similar sounds made by predatory bats. We therefore predicted that (1) females would display in response to playbacks of male calls; (2) females would not display in response to playbacks of the calls of echolocating bats (we used the calls of Daubenton's bat Myotis daubentonii as representative of a typical FM echolocating bat); and (3) when presented with male calls and bat calls during the same time block, females would display more when perceived predation risk was lower. We manipulated predation risk in two ways. First, we varied the intensity of bat calls to represent a nearby (high risk) or distant (low risk) bat. Second, we played back calls of bats searching for prey (low risk) and attacking prey (high risk). All predictions were supported, suggesting that female G. mellonella are able to distinguish conspecific male mating calls from bat calls, and that they modify display rate in relation to predation risk. The mechanism (s) by which the moths separate the calls of bat and moth must involve temporal cues. Bat and moth signals differ considerably in duration, and differences in duration could be encoded by the moth's nervous system and used in discrimination.

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Host and donor dendritic cells (DC) stimulate alloreactive donor T lymphocytes, and initiate GVHD. We have shown that polyclonal antibody to the DC surface activation marker human CD83 (anti hCD83), which depletes activated DC, can prevent human DC and T cell induced lethal xenogeneic GVHD in SCID mice without impairing T cell mediated anti-leukaemic and anti-viral (CMV and influenza) immunity (J Exp Med 2009; 206: 387). Therefore, we made and tested a polyclonal anti mouse CD83 (RAM83) antibody in murine HSCT models and developed a human mAb against hCD83 as a potential new therapeutic immunosuppressive agent.

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“If Hollywood could order intellectual property laws for Christmas, what would they look like? This is pretty close.” David Fewer “While European and American IP maximalists have pushed for TRIPS-Plus provisions in FTAs and bilateral agreements, they are now pushing for TRIPS-Plus-Plus protections in these various forums.” Susan Sell “ACTA is a threat to the future of a free and open Internet.” Alexander Furnas “Implementing the agreement could open a Pandora's box of potential human rights violations.” Amnesty International. “I will not take part in this masquerade.” Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament Executive Summary As an independent scholar and expert in intellectual property, I am of the view that the Australian Parliament should reject the adoption of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. I would take issue with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s rather partisan account of the negotiations, the consultations, and the outcomes associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. In my view, the negotiations were secretive and biased; the local consultations were sometimes farcical because of the lack of information about the draft texts of the agreement; and the final text of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 is not in the best interests of Australia, particularly given that it is a net importer of copyright works and trade mark goods and services. I would also express grave reservations about the quality of the rather pitiful National Interest Analysis – and the lack of any regulatory impact statement – associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The assertion that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 does not require legislative measures is questionable – especially given the United States Trade Representative has called the agreement ‘the highest-standard plurilateral agreement ever achieved concerning the enforcement of intellectual property rights.’ It is worthwhile reiterating that there has been much criticism of the secretive and partisan nature of the negotiations surrounding the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Sean Flynn summarizes these concerns: "The negotiation process for ACTA has been a case study in establishing the conditions for effective industry capture of a lawmaking process. Instead of using the relatively transparent and inclusive multilateral processes, ACTA was launched through a closed and secretive “‘club approach’ in which like-minded jurisdictions define enforcement ‘membership’ rules and then invite other countries to join, presumably via other trade agreements.” The most influential developing countries, including Brazil, India, China and Russia, were excluded. Likewise, a series of manoeuvres ensured that public knowledge about the specifics of the agreement and opportunities for input into the process were severely limited. Negotiations were held with mere hours notice to the public as to when and where they would be convened, often in countries half away around the world from where public interest groups are housed. Once there, all negotiation processes were closed to the public. Draft texts were not released before or after most negotiating rounds, and meetings with stakeholders took place only behind closed doors and off the record. A public release of draft text, in April 2010, was followed by no public or on-the-record meetings with negotiators." Moreover, it is disturbing that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 has been driven by ideology and faith, rather than by any evidence-based policy making Professor Duncan Matthews has raised significant questions about the quality of empirical evidence used to support the proposal of Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011: ‘There are concerns that statements about levels of counterfeiting and piracy are based either on customs seizures, with the actual quantities of infringing goods in free circulation in any particular market largely unknown, or on estimated losses derived from industry surveys.’ It is particularly disturbing that, in spite of past criticism, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has supported the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011, without engaging the Productivity Commission or the Treasury to do a proper economic analysis of the proposed treaty. Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament, quit his position, and said of the process: "I want to denounce in the strongest possible manner the entire process that led to the signature of this agreement: no inclusion of civil society organisations, a lack of transparency from the start of the negotiations, repeated postponing of the signature of the text without an explanation being ever given, exclusion of the EU Parliament's demands that were expressed on several occasions in our assembly. As rapporteur of this text, I have faced never-before-seen manoeuvres from the right wing of this Parliament to impose a rushed calendar before public opinion could be alerted, thus depriving the Parliament of its right to expression and of the tools at its disposal to convey citizens' legitimate demands.” Everyone knows the ACTA agreement is problematic, whether it is its impact on civil liberties, the way it makes Internet access providers liable, its consequences on generic drugs manufacturing, or how little protection it gives to our geographical indications. This agreement might have major consequences on citizens' lives, and still, everything is being done to prevent the European Parliament from having its say in this matter. That is why today, as I release this report for which I was in charge, I want to send a strong signal and alert the public opinion about this unacceptable situation. I will not take part in this masquerade." There have been parallel concerns about the process and substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the context of Australia. I have a number of concerns about the substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. First, I am concerned that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 fails to provide appropriate safeguards in respect of human rights, consumer protection, competition, and privacy laws. It is recommended that the new Joint Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights investigate this treaty. Second, I argue that there is a lack of balance to the copyright measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – the definition of piracy is overbroad; the suite of civil remedies, criminal offences, and border measures is excessive; and there is a lack of suitable protection for copyright exceptions, limitations, and remedies. Third, I discuss trade mark law, intermediary liability, and counterfeiting. I express my concerns, in this context, that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 could have an adverse impact upon consumer interests, competition policy, and innovation in the digital economy. I also note, with concern, the lobbying by tobacco industries for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – and the lack of any recognition in the treaty for the capacity of countries to take measures of tobacco control under the World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Fourth, I note that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 provides no positive obligations to promote access to essential medicines. It is particularly lamentable that Australia and the United States of America have failed to implement the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health 2001 and the WTO General Council Decision 2003. Fifth, I express concerns about the border measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Such measures lack balance – and unduly favour the interests of intellectual property owners over consumers, importers, and exporters. Moreover, such measures will be costly, as they involve shifting the burden of intellectual property enforcement to customs and border authorities. Interdicting, seizing, and destroying goods may also raise significant trade issues. Finally, I express concern that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 undermines the role of existing international organisations, such as the United Nations, the World Intellectual Property Organization and the World Trade Organization, and subverts international initiatives such as the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. I also question the raison d'être, independence, transparency, and accountability of the proposed new ‘ACTA Committee’. In this context, I am concerned by the shift in the position of the Labor Party in its approach to international treaty-making in relation to intellectual property. The Australian Parliament adopted the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, which included a large Chapter on intellectual property. The treaty was a ‘TRIPs-Plus’ agreement, because the obligations were much more extensive and prescriptive than those required under the multilateral framework established by the TRIPS Agreement 1994. During the debate over the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Party expressed the view that it would seek to mitigate the effects of the TRIPS-Plus Agreement, when at such time it gained power. Far from seeking to ameliorate the effects of the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Government would seek to lock Australia into a TRIPS-Double Plus Agreement – the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. There has not been a clear political explanation for this change in approach to international intellectual property. For both reasons of process and substance, I conclude that the Australian Parliament and the Australian Government should reject the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The Australian Government would do better to endorse the Washington Declaration on Intellectual Property and the Public Interest 2011, and implement its outstanding obligations in respect of access to knowledge, access to essential medicines, and the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. The case study of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 highlights the need for further reforms to the process by which Australia engages in international treaty-making.