247 resultados para Agriculture -- Government policy -- Vietnam


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The “political” dynamics and the details of conducting criminological research on a day-to-day basis are examined. The role of government and commercial contracts in contemporary criminological scholarship are explored, as well as the various obstacles that criminologists must negotiate during the completion of a research project. The criminological implications of the ways in which academic environments are changing under new managerialist philosophies are examined. The ways in which notions of “critique” have become subordinate to the politics of existing governing rationalities are also examined. Chapter 1 details the questions, contours, and methods of “deviant knowledge.” Chapter 2 discusses the contours of criminological knowledge, including early criminological developments, international reconstruction and developments in criminological research following World War II, the United Nations, and the rise of critical genres. Chapter 3 explores criminology, government, and public policy, including the policies of the Home Office of England and Wales; the National Institute of Justice in Washington, DC; and the Australian Institute of Criminology in Canberra. The politics and control of criminological knowledge are discussed in chapter 4, along with ethical and legal issues, gathering and accessing data, and publishing results of research. Chapter 5 describes the “War on Terror” and government intolerance and suppression of free speech. Chapter 6 examines the new modes of governance and the commercialization of criminological knowledge. Chapter 7 discusses intellectual independence and collective concern, and the value of critique. 3 appendices, 546 references, index

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During the 1980s, terms such as interagency or multi-agency cooperation, collaboration, coordination, and interaction have became permanent features of both crime prevention rhetoric and government crime policy. The concept of having the government, local authorities, and the community working in partnership has characterized both left and right politics for over a decade. The U.S. National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals in the U.S.. Circulars 8/84 and 44/90 released by the U.K. Home Office, and the British Morgan Report-coupled with the launch of government strategies in France, the Netherlands, England and Wales, Australia, and, more recently, in Belgium, New Zealand, and Canada-have all emphasized the importance of agencies working together to prevent or reduce crime. This paper draws upon recent Australian research and critically analyzes multi-agency crime prevention. It suggests that agency conflicts and power struggles may be exacerbated by neo-liberal economic theory, by the politics of crime prevention management, and by policies that aim to combine situational and social prevention endeavors. Furthermore, it concludes that indigenous peoples are excluded by crime prevention strategies that fail to define and interpret crime and its prevention in culturally appropriate ways.

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Each year the Australian Federal Treasury releases its Tax Expenditures Statement providing details of concessions, benefits, and incentives delivered through the tax regime to Australian taxpayers. The current Tax Expenditures Statement, released on 25 January 2008, lists approximately 300 tax expenditures and reports on the estimated pecuniary value in terms of revenue foregone, estimated to be a total of $50.12 billion for the 2006-07 financial year. Apart from the annual Tax Expenditures Statement, and despite the recurring fiscal impact, there is very little other scrutiny of Australia’s Federal tax expenditures program. This is despite tax expenditures often being seen as an alternative to direct expenditures with similar impact on the Federal budget. The object of tax expenditures is to provide government assistance and meet government objectives, and, as such, tax expenditures are departures from the revenue raising aspect of the tax regime. Within this context, this article examines the fundamental concept of tax expenditures as contrasted with direct expenditures and considers the role they play in the current tax regime.

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As 2001 was the International Year of the Volunteer as it seemed timely to look at the legal, social and political frameworks which provide for the long term growth of volunteers. The focus of this research is on the nature and extent of volunteers in the Queensland State Government. The social capital debate (expanded by Robert Putnam in 1995) is about citizens’ participation in extracurricular activities and has been extended to mean a collective intelligence – a capacity as a people to create the society we want. The volunteer phenomenon has been used to indicate social and ethical concern.

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This paper considers the debate about the relationship between globalization and media policy from the perspective provided by a current review of the Australian media classification scheme. Drawing upon the author’s recent experience in being ‘inside’ the policy process, as Lead Commissioner on the Australian National Classification Scheme Review, it is argued that theories of globalization – including theories of neoliberal globalization – fail to adequately capture the complexities of the reform process, particularly around the relationship between regulation and markets. The paper considers the pressure points for media content policies arising from media globalization, and the wider questions surrounding media content policies in an age of media convergence.

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Microenterprise programs (MEPs) that aim to help poor communities engage in micro businesses have contributed significantly to poverty reduction in developing countries. However, a review of the literature suggests that the current approach adopted by MEPs has mainly provided services to microenterprises (MEs) based on what MEPs can supply rather than on what MEs actually need and what the market demands. Therefore, MEPs’ approaches are more likely to be supply driven. Yet when there are market constraints, such as high competition or low demand, this approach has been linked to the failure of MEs in their infancy. The alternative is a demand driven approach, in which MEPs provide MEs with support based on what MEs need, and what markets demand. However, research examining the application of this approach is limited. In order to gain an understanding of the approaches of MEPs, to identify whether these approaches are demand or supply driven, and to discover how these approaches are used to help MEs operate under market constraints, this study examined the operation of International Non-Government Organisations (INGOs) operating in Vietnam. This exploratory study involved in-depth interviews with senior executives from 10 INGOs. Thematic analysis was used to analyse data collected from the in-depth interviews. The results were further verified with publicly available data from the INGOs. The findings of this research indicate that the demand driven approach is dominant in most approaches of INGOs in Vietnam, and has become a key approach in helping MEs deal with market constraints. Further, rather than explaining the demand and supply driven dichotomy, the findings highlight that MEPs’ approaches can be viewed in two dimensions: a participant-demand driven approach focusing on the basic needs and capabilities of the extremely poor, irrespective of market demands; and a market-demand driven approach focusing on the capabilities of poor communities, while also accommodating market demands. This research provides contemporary and practical insights into the DD and SD approaches, and a better understanding of MEPs’ approaches to MED in Vietnam.

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Across Australia in 1968, students demonstrating against the Vietnam War engaged in confrontational behaviour. The metropolitan daily newspapers,the most important source of news for most people, enthusiastically reported the scenes. The demonstrations were exciting. Sensational headlines and photographs captured the interest of readers and influenced their opinions. But radical opposition to government policies at the time was not limited to university students opposing the Vietnam War. Teachers had become increasingly critical of conditions in schools, with Victorian secondary school teachers having stopped work on a number of occasions since 1965. In October 1968, both primary and secondary school teachers in New South Wales participated in eastern Australia’s first state-wide teachers’ strike. As Sydney’s Sun commented on 1 October 1968, “The teachers’ strike threw the ... education system into chaos ... A huge proportion of the State’s 2764 schools were silent and empty.” Similarities with the anti-war demonstrations were obvious. Although not as confrontational, the New South Wales teachers’ strike was a publicity-seeking action. This examination of the teachers’ more restrained, but more effective, approach to challenging government policies provides a new voice and vision to our understandings of the diverse nature of radicalism in Australia in the 1960s.

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In this Issues Paper, I raise some key points relevant for any government which is considering its child protection and family welfare policy. In particular, I will raise questions about whether a form of legislative reporting duty is required, and if so, what consequences this has for child protection. The context of child maltreatment - and each form of maltreatment: physical abuse, sexual abuse, psychological or emotional abuse, and neglect - is extremely complex, and the overarching question of how to deal with these phenomena involve challenging normative, economic and practical questions. There are no easy or perfect solutions. Nor, often, is there the amount and quality of evidence available on which public policy approaches should be devised. However, from the best evidence about the history of this context, from research conducted in this field, and from the best evidence available about the nature, incidence and effects of different subtypes of maltreatment, some observations can be made which may help to inform deliberations. I outline 10 key issues related to mandatory reporting legislation while being mindful of the New Zealand context. My view, based on both research evidence and a concern to protect and promote children’s interests, and society’s interests, is that reporting laws in some form are necessary and can contribute substantially to child protection and enhancing family and community health and wellbeing. However, they are only one necessary part of a sound child protection system, being a method of tertiary and secondary prevention, and primary prevention efforts must also be prioritised. Moreover, it is essential that if a legislative reporting duty is enacted, it must be designed carefully and implemented soundly, and it must be integrated within a properly resourced child protection and family welfare system.

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There are a variety of reasons and motivations for people to subscribe to community-supported agriculture (CSA) schemes, many of which include social, ethical, environmental, and economical benefits. The global rise of food allergies and food related health issues in recent years has led to a growing number of initiatives particularly in developing countries to raise more awareness of the current situation amongst individuals, organisations, and government bodies, and to plan for its implications for the existing food and health systems. Based on a mixed method research conducted in Australia, this paper argues that personal health matters are one of the key motivators for consumers to seek out alternative food systems, particularly CSA initiatives. In addition, it presents the willingness for consumers to seek out information about the food they consume and proposes that technology plays a key role in being used as a conduit to share and investigate information relating to alternative food systems. Further research is required to determine the variety of benefits and opportunities alternative food systems can provide consumers with food related health issues.

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Non-state insurgent actors are too weak to compel powerful adversaries to their will, so they use violence to coerce. A principal objective is to grow and sustain violent resistance to the point that it either militarily challenges the state, or more commonly, generates unacceptable political costs. To survive, insurgents must shift popular support away from the state and to grow they must secure it. State actor policies and actions perceived as illegitimate and oppressive by the insurgent constituency can generate these shifts. A promising insurgent strategy is to attack states in ways that lead angry publics and leaders to discount the historically established risks and take flawed but popular decisions to use repressive measures. Such decisions may be enabled by a visceral belief in the power of coercion and selective use of examples of where robust measures have indeed suppressed resistance. To avoid such counterproductive behaviours the cases of apparent 'successful repression' must be understood. This thesis tests whether robust state action is correlated with reduced support for insurgents, analyses the causal mechanisms of such shifts and examines whether such reduction is because of compulsion or coercion? The approach is founded on prior research by the RAND Corporation which analysed the 30 insurgencies most recently resolved worldwide to determine factors of counterinsurgent success. This new study first re-analyses their data at a finer resolution with new queries that investigate the relationship between repression and insurgent active support. Having determined that, in general, repression does not correlate with decreased insurgent support, this study then analyses two cases in which the data suggests repression seems likely to be reducing insurgent support: the PKK in Turkey and the insurgency against the Vietnamese-sponsored regime after their ousting of the Khmer Rouge. It applies 'structured-focused' case analysis with questions partly built from the insurgency model of Leites and Wolf, who are associated with the advocacy of US robust means in Vietnam. This is thus a test of 'most difficult' cases using a 'least likely' test model. Nevertheless, the findings refute the deterrence argument of 'iron fist' advocates. Robust approaches may physically prevent effective support of insurgents but they do not coercively deter people from being willing to actively support the insurgency.

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Background: Mass migration to Asian cities is a defining phenomenon of the present age, as hundreds of millions of people move from rural areas or between cities in search of economic prosperity. Although many do prosper, large numbers of people experience significant social disadvantage. This is especially the case among poorly educated, migrant unskilled unregistered male laborers who do much of the manual work throughout the cities. These men are at significant risk for many health problems, including HIV infection. However, to date there has been little research in developing countries to explain the determinants of this risk, and thereby to suggest feasible preventive strategies. Objectives and Methodology: Using combined qualitative and quantitative methods, the aim of this study was to explore the social contexts that affect health vulnerabilities and to develop conceptual models to predict risk behaviors for HIV [illicit drug use, unsafe sex, and non-testing for HIV] among male street laborers in Hanoi, Vietnam. Qualitative Research: Sixteen qualitative interviews revealed a complex variety of life experiences, beliefs and knowledge deficits that render these mostly poor and minimally educated men vulnerable to health problems including HIV infection. This study formed a conceptual model of numerous stressors related to migrants’ life experiences in urban space, including physical, financial and social factors. A wide range of coping strategies were adopted to deal with stressors – including problem-focused coping (PFC) and emotion-focused coping (EFC), pro-social and anti-social, active and passive. These men reported difficulty in coping with stressors because they had weak social networks and lacked support from formal systems. A second conceptual model emerged that highlighted equivalent influences of individual psychological factors, social integration, social barriers, and accessibility regarding drug use and sexual risk behavior. Psychological dimensions such as tedium, distress, fatalism and revenge, were important. There were strong effects of collective decision-making and fear of social isolation on shaping risk behaviors. These exploratory qualitative interviews helped to develop a culturally appropriate instrument for the quantitative survey and informed theoretical models of the factors that affect risk behaviors for HIV infection. Quantitative Research: The Information-Motivation-Behavioral Skills (IMB) model was adopted as the theoretical framework for a large-scale survey. It was modified to suit the contexts of these Vietnamese men. By doing a social mapping technique, 450 male street laborers were interviewed in Hanoi, Vietnam. The survey revealed that the risk of acquiring and transmitting HIV was high among these men. One in every 12 men reported homosexual or bisexual behavior. These men on average had 3 partners within the preceding year, and condom use was inconsistent. One third had had sex with commercial sex workers (CSW) and only 30% of them reported condom use; 17% used illicit drugs sometimes, with 66.7% of them frequently sharing injecting equipment with peers. Despite the risks, only 19.8% of men had been tested for HIV during the previous 12 months. These men have limited HIV knowledge and only moderate motivation and perceived behavioral skills for protective behavior. Although rural-to-urban migration was not associated with sexual risk behavior, three elements of the IMB model and depression associated with the process of mobility were significant determinants of sexual behavior. A modified model that incorporated IMB elements and psychosocial stress was found to be a better fit than the original IMB model alone in predicting protected sex behavior among the men. Men who were less psychologically and socially stressed, better informed and motivated for HIV prevention were more likely to demonstrate behavioral skills, and in turn were more likely to engage in safer sexual behavior. With regard to drug use, although the conventional model accounted for slightly less variance than the modified IMB model, data were of better fit for the conventional model. Multivariate analyses revealed that men who originated from urban areas, those who were homo- or bi-sexually identified and had better knowledge and skills for HIV prevention were more likely to access HIV testing, while men who had more sexual partners and those who did not use a condom for sex with CSW were least likely to take a test. The modified IMB model provided a better fit than the conventional model, as it explained a greater variance in HIV testing. Conclusions and Implications: This research helps to highlight a potential hidden HIV epidemic among street male, unskilled, unregistered laborers. This group has multiple vulnerabilities to HIV infection through both their partners and peers. However, most do not know their HIV status and have limited knowledge about preventing infection. This is the first application of a modified IMB model of risk behaviors for HIV such as drug use, condom use, and uptake of HIV testing to research with male street laborers in urban settings. The study demonstrated that while the extended IMB model had better fit than the conventional version in explaining the behaviors of safe sex and HIV testing, it was not so for drug use. The results provide interesting directions for future research and suggest ways to effectively design intervention strategies. The findings should shed light on culturally appropriate HIV preventive education and support programs for these men. As Vietnam has much in common with other developing countries in Southeast Asia, this research provides evidence for policy and practice that may be useful for public health systems in similar countries.

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There is still no comprehensive information strategy governing access to and reuse of public sector information, applying on a nationwide basis, across all levels of government – local, state and federal - in Australia. This is the case both for public sector materials generally and for spatial data in particular. Nevertheless, the last five years have seen some significant developments in information policy and practice, the result of which has been a considerable lessening of the barriers that previously acted to impede the accessibility and reusability of a great deal of spatial and other material held by public sector agencies. Much of the impetus for change has come from the spatial community which has for many years been a proponent of the view “that government held information, and in particular spatial information, will play an absolutely critical role in increasing the innovative capacity of this nation.”1 However, the potential of government spatial data to contribute to innovation will remain unfulfilled without reform of policies on access and reuse as well as the pervasive practices of public sector data custodians who have relied on government copyright to justify the imposition of restrictive conditions on its use.

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Human survival depends on human ingenuity in using resources at hand to sustain human life. The historical record – in wrings and archaeological artefacts – provides evidence of the growth and collapse of political organisations and societies. In the institutions of Western civilisation, some traditions have endured over millennia where the roles of monarchs and public officials have been organised in perpetual succession. These roles were developed as conventions in the British Parliament after 1295 and provided the models of corporate governance in both public and private enterprise that have been continuously refined to the present day. In 2011, the Queensland Parliament legislated to introduce a new and more open system of scrutiny of legislation through a system of portfolio-based parliamentary committees. The committees began to function more actively in July 2012 and have inviting submissions from stakeholders and experts in a structured way to consider the government’s priorities in its legislative programme. The questions now are whether the Surveying and Spatial Sciences can respond expertly to address the terms of reference and meet the timetables of the various parliamentary committees. This paper discusses some of the more important and urgent issues that deserve debate that the profession needs to address in becoming more responsive to matters of public policy.

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Background: Periurban agriculture refers to agricultural practice occurring in areas with mixed rural and urban features. It is responsible 25% of the total gross value of economic production in Australia, despite only comprising 3% of the land used for agriculture. As populations grows and cities expand, they are constantly absorbing surrounding fringe areas, thus creating a new fringe, further from the city causing the periurban region to constantly shift outwards. Periurban regions are fundamental in the provision of fresh food to city populations and residential (and industrial) expansion taking over agricultural land has been noted as a major worldwide concern. Another major concern around the increase in urbanisation and resultant decrease in periurban agriculture is its potential effect on food security. Food security is the availability or access to nutritionally-adequate, culturally-relevant and safe foods in culturally-appropriate ways. Thus food insecurity occurs when access to or availability of these foods is compromised. There is an important level of connectedness between food security and food production and a decrease in periurban agriculture may have adverse effects on food security. A decrease in local, seasonal produce may result in a decrease in the availability of products and an increase in cost, as food must travel greater distances, incurring extra costs present at the consumer level. Currently, few Australian studies exist examining the change in periurban agriculture over time. Such information may prove useful for future health policy and interventions as well as infrastructure planning. The aim of this study is to investigate changes in periurban agriculture among capital cities of Australia. Methods: We compared data pertaining to selected commodities from the Australian Bureau of Statistics 2000-01 and 2005 -2006 Agricultural Census. This survey is distributed online or via mail on a five-yearly basis to approximately 175,000 Agricultural business to ascertain information on a range of factors, such as types of crops, livestock and land preparation practices. For the purpose of this study we compared the land being used for total crops, and cereal , oil seed, legume, fruit and vegetable crops separately. Data was analysed using repeated measures anova in spss. Results: Overall, total area available for crops in urbanised areas of Australia increased slightly by 1.8%. However, Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide and Perth experienced decreases in the area available for fruit crops by 11%, 5%,and 4% respectively. Furthermore, Brisbane and Perth experienced decreases in land available for vegetable crops by 28% and 14% respectively. Finally, Sydney, Adelaide and Perth experienced decreases in land available for cereal crops by 10 – 79%. Conclusions: These findings suggest that population increases and consequent urban sprawl may be resulting in a decrease in peri-urban agriculture, specifically for several core food groups including fruit, breads and grain based foods. In doing so, access to or availability of these foods may be limited, and the cost of these foods is likely to increase, which may compromise food insecurity for certain sub-groups of the population.

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Leadership change formed the backdrop to the 2010 Australian federal election, with the replacement of Kevin Rudd as prime minister by Julia Gillard, the country’s first female prime minister. This article uses the 2010 Australian Election Study, a post-election survey of voters, to examine patterns of voter defection between the 2007 and 2010 elections. The results show that the predominant influence on defection was how voters rated the leaders. Julia Gillard was particularly popular among female voters and her overall impact on the vote was slightly greater than that of Tony Abbott. Policy issues were second in importance after leadership, particularly for those moving from the Coalition to Labor, who were concerned about health and unemployment. Labor defectors to the Greens particularly disliked Labor’s education policies. Overall, the results point to the enduring importance of leaders as the predominant influence on how voters cast their ballot.