360 resultados para State-contingent Claims


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Many contend that the logical solution to woman abuse in marriage/cohabitation is for women to exit through legal separation, divorce, or other means. However, a growing body of empirical work shows that separation or divorce does not necessarily solve the problem of woman abuse. For example, in addition to experiencing lethal or nonlethal forms of physical violence and psychological abuse, many women who try to leave, or who have left their male partners, are sexually assaulted. The main objective of this paper is to critically review the extant empirical and theoretical work on separation/divorcesexual assault. Suggestions for future research and theorizing are also provided.

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In contextualising victims' experiences of policing in domestic violence situations in Singapore, two extreme but interrelated sets of responses have been observed. At one end of the continuum, criminal justice sanctions are strictly contingent upon victim willingness to initiate criminal proceedings against the perpetrator, and at the other, victims' rights, needs and preferences seem to be usurped by the justice system regardless of victims' choice. Neither of these positions takes victims' interests into account. Nor do they stem from an understanding of the sociocultural, economic and structural circumstances in which victims experienced violence, and continued to experience it, long after a police intervention. Data from the research revealed that criminalisation as an ideological and legally practical tool was not only rendered ineffective but irrelevant to the experiences of women in the Singaporean context.Two factors account for this phenomenon. First, the absence of support structures to achieve criminalisation and address victims' needs in the aftermath of criminalisation; second, the authoritative, paternalistic and patriarchal state impedes processes aimed at the empowerment of women victims.

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This article represents a preliminary comparative exploration of anti-Muslim racism and violence in Australia and Canada, especially since September 11. We contextualise the anti-Muslim vilification and victimisation within parallel – yet still distinct – political climates that bestow permission to hate. That is, negative media portrayals, together with discriminatory rhetoric, policy and practices at the level of the state create an enabling environment that signals the legitimacy of public hostility toward the Muslim communities. We conclude by pointing toward the need for more extensive empirical exploration of the phenomenon in both countries.

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This volume aims to 'bring the state back into terrorism studies' and fill the notable gap that currently exists in our understanding of the ways in which states employ terrorism as a political strategy of internal governance or foreign policy. Within this broader context, the volume has a number of specific aims. First, it aims to make the argument that state terrorism is a valid and analytically useful concept which can do much to illuminate our understanding of state repression and governance, and illustrate the varieties of actors, modalities, aims, forms, and outcomes of this form of contemporary political violence. Secondly, by discussing a rich and diverse set of empirical case studies of contemporary state terrorism this volume explores and tests theoretical notions, generates new questions and provides a resource for further research. Thirdly, it contributes to a critical-normative approach to the study of terrorism more broadly and challenges dominant approaches and perspectives which assume that states, particularly Western states, are primarily victims and not perpetrators of terrorism. Given the scarceness of current and past research on state terrorism, this volume will make a genuine contribution to the wider field, particularly in terms of ongoing efforts to generate more critical approaches to the study of political terrorism. This book will be of much interest to students of critical terrorism studies, critical security studies, terrorism and political violence and political theory in general.

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In November 1999, the Queensland Health (QH) Transition to Practice Nurse Education Program - Intensive Care (TPNEP-IC) was initiated in QH Intensive Care Units (ICUs) across Queensland. This 12-month, state-wide, workplace based education program has set minimum standards for intensive care nursing education and therefore minimum standards for intensive care nursing practice in QH. In the 12 years of operation, 824 nurses have completed TPNEP-IC, 761 achieving academic credit status and 453 utilising this academic credit status to undertake postgraduate study in critical/intensive care nursing at three Queensland universities. These outcomes were achieved through the appointment of nurse educators within ICUs who, through a united and strong commitment to this state-wide approach formed collaborative professional networks, which resulted in the development, implementation and maintenance of the program. Furthermore, these networks enabled a framework of support for discussion and dissemination of evidence based practice, to endorse quality processes for TPNEP-IC and to nurture leadership potential among educators. Challenges to overcome included obtaining adequate resources to support all aspects of the program, gaining local management and administrative support, and embedding TPNEP-IC within ICU culture. The 12 years of operation of the program have demonstrated its long term sustainability. The program is being launched through a new blended learning approach utilising e-learning strategies. To capitalise on the current success, a strong commitment by all stakeholders will be required to ensure the ongoing sustainability of the program.