147 resultados para Apparent needs


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This study describes the post-school circumstances and service needs of older teenagers and adults with high-functioning Autism Spectrum Disorder, living in Queensland, Australia. The respondents were 95 parents. Results indicated that the majority of the young people lived in the family home and were unemployed. Of those who worked, 56% had unskilled jobs. They were estimated to spend a significant proportion of their time engaged in solitary, technology-based activities, and comparatively little time in employment or socialising. Parents rated employment support as the greatest service priority for their sons and daughters, followed by specialised support to assist with completing post-school education and training, assistance to support the transition from high school to adulthood, and social skills training.

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This report examines publically-available research literature from North America, Australia and New Zealand on the effectiveness of measures that aim to reduce non-violent offending by Indigenous people. It identifies culturally safe and relevant principles for the design and implementation of measures that have been found to be promising in terms of reducing this category of offending. These principles are important for policy-makers and practitioners to understand, given that many Indigenous people come into contact with the criminal justice system in relation to non-violent offences such as public order and driving offences. The principles set out in the report include: incorporating Indigenous culture, family and community into treatment programs; combining Indigenous approaches with effective Western treatment models such as Cognitive Behavioural Therapy; and addressing the substance abuse, trauma, and historical and social context often associated with offending by Indigenous people. In addition to promoting these principles, the report provides an overview of Indigenous people’s contact with the criminal justice system in relation to non-violent crimes, as well as a discussion of specific programs that have been used with this group of offenders.

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Primary brain tumors are associated with significant physical, cognitive and psychosocial changes. Although treatment guidelines recommend offering multidisciplinary rehabilitation and support services to address patients’ residual deficits, the extent to which patients access such services is unclear. This study aimed to assess patients’ supportive care needs early after diagnosis, and quantify service awareness, referral and utilization. A population-based sample of 40 adults recently diagnosed with primary brain tumors was recruited through the Queensland Cancer Registry, representing 18.9% of the eligible population of 203 patients. Patients or carer proxies completed surveys of supportive care needs at baseline (approximately three months after diagnosis) and three months later. Descriptive statistics summarized needs and service utilization, and linear regression identified predictors of service use. Unmet supportive care needs were highest at baseline for all domains, and highest for the physical and psychological needs domains at each time point. At follow-up, participants reported awareness of, referral to, and use of 32 informational, support, health professional or practical services. All or almost all participants were aware of at least one informational (100%), health professional (100%), support (97%) or practical service (94%). Participants were most commonly aware of speech therapists (97%), physiotherapists (94%) and diagnostic information from the internet (88%). Clinician referrals were most commonly made to physiotherapists (53%), speech therapists (50%) and diagnostic information booklets (44%), and accordingly, participants most commonly used physiotherapists (56%), diagnostic information booklets (47%), diagnostic information from the internet (47%), and speech therapists (43%). Comparatively low referral to and use of psychosocial services may limit patients’ abilities to cope with their condition and the changes they experience.

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- BACKGROUND Access to information on the features and outcomes associated with the various models of maternity care available in Australia is vital for women's informed decision-making. This study sought to identify women's preferences for information access and decision-making involvement, as well as their priority information needs, for model of care decision-making. - METHODS A convenience sample of adult women of childbearing age in Queensland, Australia were recruited to complete an online survey assessing their model of care decision support needs. Knowledge on models of care and socio-demographic characteristics were also assessed. - RESULTS Altogether, 641 women provided usable survey data. Of these women, 26.7 percent had heard of all available models of care before starting the survey. Most women wanted access to information on models of care (90.4%) and an active role in decision-making (99.0%). Nine priority information needs were identified: cost, access to choice of mode of birth and care provider, after hours provider contact, continuity of carer in labor/birth, mobility during labor, discussion of the pros/cons of medical procedures, rates of skin-to-skin contact after birth, and availability at a preferred birth location. This information encompassed the priority needs of women across age, birth history, and insurance status subgroups. - CONCLUSIONS This study demonstrates Australian women's unmet needs for information that supports them to effectively compare available options for model of maternity care. Findings provide clear direction on what information should be prioritized and ideal channels for information access to support quality decision-making in practice.

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Purpose – Preliminary cost estimates for construction projects are often the basis of financial feasibility and budgeting decisions in the early stages of planning and for effective project control, monitoring and execution. The purpose of this paper is to identify and better understand the cost drivers and factors that contribute to the accuracy of estimates in residential construction projects from the developers’ perspective. Design/methodology/approach – The paper uses a literature review to determine the drivers that affect the accuracy of developers’ early stage cost estimates and the factors influencing the construction costs of residential construction projects. It used cost variance data and other supporting documentation collected from two case study projects in South East Queensland, Australia, along with semi-structured interviews conducted with the practitioners involved. Findings – It is found that many cost drivers or factors of cost uncertainty identified in the literature for large-scale projects are not as apparent and relevant for developers’ small-scale residential construction projects. Specifically, the certainty and completeness of project-specific information, suitability of historical cost data, contingency allowances, methods of estimating and the estimator’s level of experience significantly affect the accuracy of cost estimates. Developers of small-scale residential projects use pre-established and suitably priced bills of quantities as the prime estimating method, which is considered to be the most efficient and accurate method for standard house designs. However, this method needs to be backed with the expertise and experience of the estimator. Originality/value – There is a lack of research on the accuracy of developers’ early stage cost estimates and the relevance and applicability of cost drivers and factors in the residential construction projects. This research has practical significance for improving the accuracy of such preliminary cost estimates.

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It is often assumed that teachers in rural and remote schools are at a disadvantage when it comes to accessing professional development. But is there sufficient evidence to support this assumption? This paper reports findings from two national surveys comparing the professional development priorities of primary and secondary science teachers from metropolitan, provincial and remote schools. The research found that while teachers' unmet needs for some PD opportunities increased significantly with school remoteness, this was not the case for all opportunities. In teasing out the different PD priorities of primary and secondary science teachers, the paper provides evidence to help education authorities and professional organisations address the specific needs of teachers in different locations.

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Acetaminophen (paracetamol) is available in a wide range of oral formulations designed to meet the needs of the population across the age-spectrum, but for people with impaired swallowing, i.e. dysphagia, both solid and liquid medications can be difficult to swallow without modification. The effect of a commercial polysaccharide thickener, designed to be added to fluids to promote safe swallowing by dysphagic patients, on rheology and acetaminophen dissolution was tested using crushed immediate-release tablets in water, effervescent tablets in water, elixir and suspension. The inclusion of the thickener, comprised of xanthan gum and maltodextrin, had a considerable impact on dissolution; acetaminophen release from modified medications reached 12-50% in 30 minutes, which did not reflect the pharmacopeia specification for immediate release preparations. Flow curves reflect the high zero-shear viscosity and the apparent yield stress of the thickened products. The weak gel nature, in combination with high G’ values compared to G” (viscoelasticity) and high apparent yield stress, impact drug release. The restriction on drug release from these formulations is not influenced by the theoretical state of the drug (dissolved or dispersed), and the approach typically used in clinical practice (mixing crushed tablets into pre-prepared thickened fluid) cannot be improved by altering the order of incorporation or mixing method.

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There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

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This paper presents findings from the SiMERR National Survey concerning the need priorities of secondary ICT teachers for professional development, resources and student learning experiences. The findings - drawn from a survey of 237 secondary ICT teachers across Australia - provide an opportunity to compare the needs of teachers working in metropolitan, provincial and remote schools. The study found that vacant ICT positions are difficult to fill ond that the novel on dynamic nature of ICT requires teachers to have more extensive opportunities for on-the-job training, collegial collaboration and mentoring than is the case for teachers of more traditional subjects like science and mathematics. The study also found that ICT teachers are commonly required to manage and maintain ICT resources and to assist other staff to use ICT resources, while being allocated insufficient time in which to do these additional activities. The implications of these and other findings are discussed along with recommendations to help address the needs of ICT teachers in different parts of Australia.

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Economic success, and a commitment to the social benefits of inclusive training opportunities are important goals for public vocational education and training (VET). Currently, in Australia, VET policy is a shared responsibility between the Commonwealth and the States and Territories. Priorities for investment are juggled between: a) improving efficiency and responsiveness; and b) providing societal prosperity. Amid recent VET educational reforms and policy directives the authors of this paper undertook a pilot study examining language, literacy and numeracy support and inclusive teaching and learning practices in a Diploma of Nursing course. The data highlighted implications arising from new market driven education reforms. This article reports on identified factors that influenced inclusive learning opportunities, noticeably associated with two recent policy developments: the release of the FSK Foundation Skills Training Package (IBSA 2014); and the Queensland's Higher Skills Program Policy 2014-15.

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Getting more indigenous nurses into the health system is considered to be one of the key issues in improving the health of Australia's indigenous population. While there is only a small number of indigenous faces in the nursing profession, Fiona Armstrong discovered nursing education is undergoing changes which should see significant advances for both indigenous nurses and indigenous health care in the future.

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This thesis developed a model of factors that influence meeting the needs of family with a relative admitted to an adult intensive care unit. The results from the model indicate that several variables are significant in meeting the needs of families in ICU. The factors identified in this study should be considered when planning future intervention studies or implementing interventions into ICU clinical practice. Meeting the needs of families is an integral part of caring for a critically ill patient. ICU staff can minimise this stressful time for relatives by anticipating and addressing family needs.