890 resultados para Creative Industry


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The study of the creative industries is not much more than a decade old. What makes it fascinating is that it is dealing with a rapidly evolving process, where a good deal of Schumpeterian ‘creative destruction’ – of old industries, business models, and some familiar cultural and creative pursuits – can already be observed. What happens next – and who will be the winner – is hard to predict. Furthermore, the creative industries encompass both large-scale ‘industry’ (media, publishing, digital applications) and individual creative talent; both economic and cultural values, and both global reach and local context. Thus, the challenge is to integrate ‘top-down’ policy and planning with ‘bottom-up’ experimentation and innovation. There is always the promise that this new creative ecology will provide some novel answers to problems of wealth-creation for emergent economies, new solutions to problems of intellectual emancipation for individuals, and sustainable development for that most intense incubator of creative ideas, the city.

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In 2005 the Shanghai municipal government adopted the notion of ‘creative industries’ as part of their economic development strategy. At the same time, they officially recognized a number of ‘Creative Industry Clusters’ (CIC) in the city; over the next five years these official clusters grew to over ninety in number. The active promotion of CIC by the local state can thus been seen as central to its adoption of the creative industries agenda, in turn part of its aspiration to become a modern, global metropolis. In the first part of this paper we look at the emergence of the creative industry agenda in China, making some general observations about the need to place such policy transfer in its specific context. We suggest how this agenda might be understood in the national context of china’s economic and cultural policy development. In the second we give a critical account of the development of the creative industries agenda in Shanghai and its relationship to that for CIC. We argue that this agenda had more to do with real estate development than the promotion of a ‘creative milieu’ or ‘ecosystem’, and we also give some reasons as to why this was the case. In the third section we provide some new evidence to suggest the increasing disjunction between CIC and such a wider ‘creative milieu’. In the final section we suggest some new ways in which these CIC might be approached by local government in Shanghai

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In this chapter I look at the question of design and ethics in a situation where design as a set of related economic practices has been re-positioned as a key identifier for a new kind of ideas-driven industry - the creative industries. Previously marginal to cultural policy in the form of applied arts, in the creative industries agenda design became a privileged meeting place, or indeed broker, for art and industry, economy and commerce. I explore the new kinds of ethical challenges this brings.

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In 2005 the Shanghai municipal government adopted the notion of ‘creative industries’ as part of their economic development strategy. At the same time, they officially recognized a number of ‘Creative Industry Clusters’ (CIC) in the city; over the next five years these official clusters grew to over ninety in number. The active promotion of CIC by the local state can thus been seen as central to its adoption of the creative industries agenda, in turn part of its aspiration to become a modern, global metropolis. In the first part of this paper we look at the emergence of the creative industry agenda in China, making some general observations about the need to place such policy transfer in its specific context. We suggest how this agenda might be understood in the national context of China’s economic and cultural policy development. In the second we give a critical account of the development of the creative industries agenda in Shanghai and its relationship to that for CIC. We argue that this agenda had more to do with real estate development than the promotion of a ‘creative milieu’ or ‘ecosystem’, and we also give some reasons as to why this was the case. In the third section we provide some new evidence to suggest the increasing disjunction between CIC and such a wider ‘creative milieu’. In the final section we suggest some new ways in which these CIC might be approached by local government in Shanghai .

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Much academic writing on pornography focuses on the genre’s exceptionalism (the ways in which it is different from other forms of culture). This paper rather focuses on its typicality as a Creative Industry. As with other Creative Industries, in the production and distribution of pornography it is producers who make most money. While a small number of on-camera performers become wealthy and powerful the majority lack creative control and are poorly paid. The careers of performers are typically short examples of “nomadic labour”. Many creative workers are involved in the production of pornography apart those in front of the camera, and the skills of these behind-the-camera creatives can be transferable across sectors. Like other Creative Industries, the pornography business is facing challenges from increased digitalization and globalization; and like other Creative Industries the solutions to these challenges lie in branding, niche marketing, and exploiting new technological possibilities.

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More creatives work outside the creative industries than inside them. Recent Australian Census data show that 52 per cent of creatives work outside of the core creative industries. These embedded creatives make up 2 per cent of manufacturing industry employees. There is little qualitative research into embedded creatives. This paper aims to address this by exploring the contribution of creative skills to manufacturing in Australia. Through four case studies of designers and marketing staff in lighting and car seat manufacturing companies, this paper demonstrates some of the work that embedded creatives undertake in the manufacturing industry and some of the ways that they contribute to innovation. The paper also considers perspectives embedded creatives bring to manufacturing and challenges involved in being a creative worker in a non-creative industry. This research is important to economic development issues, demonstrating some of the roles of key innovators in an important industry. This work also informs the education of creative industries students who will go on to contribute in a variety of industries. Furthermore, this research exemplifies one industry where employment is available to creatives outside of the creative industries.

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As the 21st century progresses, the most successful economies and societies will be creative ones. Worldwide, governments are producing strategies to encourage the development of creative industries and to strengthen the role of knowledge cities nationally and internationally. There is a significant policy discussion regarding the role of creative clusters in strengthening local economies and significant energy has been expended discussing the many positive outcomes of such developments. This article takes these issues as a starting point and considers the role of creative industries within broader concerns regarding uneven metropolitan development. By developing a typology of jobs across Australia’s metropolitan regions, the article will consider the broad social and economic impacts of uneven development of creative industry jobs between metropolitan regions and also the implications for individual metropolitan regions and policy outcomes.

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The nature and organisation of creative industries and the creative economy has received increased attention in recent academic and policy literatures (Florida 2002; Grabher 2002; Scott 2006a). Constituted as one variant on new economy narratives, creativity, alongside knowledge, has been presented as a key competitive asset, Such industries – ranging from advertising, to film and new media – are seen as not merely expanding their scale and scope, but as leading edge proponents of a more general trend towards new forms of organization and economic coordination (Davis and Scase 2000). The idea of network forms (and the consequent displacement of markets and hierarchies) has been at the heart of attempts to differentiate the field economically and spatially. Across both the discussion of production models and work/employment relations is the assertion of the enhanced importance of trust and non-market relations in coordinating structures and practices. This reflects an influential view in sociological, management, geography and other literatures that social life is ‘intrinsically networked’ (Sunley 2008: 12) and that we can confidently use the term ‘network society’ to describe contemporary structures and practices (Castells 1996). Our paper is sceptical of the conceptual and empirical foundations of such arguments. We draw on a number of theoretical resources, including institutional theory, global value chain analysis and labour process theory (see Smith and McKinlay 2009) to explore how a more realistic and grounded analysis of the nature of and limits to networks can be articulated. Given space constraints, we cannot address all the dimensions of network arguments or evidence. Our focus is on inter and intra-firm relations and draws on research into a particular creative industry – visual effects – that is a relatively new though increasingly important global production network. Through this examination a different model of the creative industries and creative work emerges – one in which market rules and patterns of hierarchical interaction structure the behaviour of economic actors and remain a central focus of analysis. The next section outlines and unpacks in more detail arguments concerning the role and significance of networks, markets and hierarchies in production models and work organisation in creative industries and the ‘creative economy’.

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This thesis explores the proposition that growth and development in the screen and creative industries is not confined to the major capital cities. Lifestyle considerations, combined with advances in digital technology, convergence and greater access to broadband are altering requirements for geographic location, and creative workers are being drawn away from the big metropolises to certain regional areas. Regional screen industry enclaves are emerging outside of London, in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, in Nova Scotia in Canada and in New Zealand. In the Australian context, the proposition is tested in an area regarded as a ‘special case’ in creative industry expansion: the Northern Rivers region of NSW. A key feature of the ‘specialness’ of this region is the large number of experienced, credited producers who live and operate their businesses within the region. The development of screen and creative industries in the Northern Rivers over the decade 2000 – 2010 has implications for regional regeneration and offers new insights into the rapidly changing screen industry landscape. This development also has implications for creative industry discourse, especially the dominance of the urban in creative industries thought. The research is pioneering in a number of ways. Building on the work conducted for my Masters thesis in 2000, a second study was conducted during the research phase, adapting creative industries theory and mapping methods, which have been largely city and nation-centric, and applying them to a regional context. The study adopted an action research approach as an industry development strategy for screen industries, while at the same time developing fine-grained ground up methods for collecting primary quantitative data on the size and scope of the creative industries. In accordance with the action research framework, the researcher also acted in the dual roles of industry activist and screen industry producer in the region. The central focus of the research has been both to document and contribute to the growth and development of screen and creative industries over the past decade in the Northern Rivers region. These interventions, along with policy developments at both a local and national level, and broader global shifts, have had the effect of repositioning the sector from a marginal one to a priority area considered integral to the future economic and cultural life of the region. The research includes a detailed mapping study undertaken in 2005 with comparisons to an earlier 2000 study and to ABS data for 2001 and 2006 to reveal growth trends. It also includes two case studies of projects that developed from idea to production and completion in the region during the decade in question. The studies reveal the drivers, impediments and policy implications for sustaining the development of screen industries in a regional area. A major finding of the research was the large and increasing number of experienced producers who operate within the region and the leadership role they play in driving the development of the emerging local industry. The two case studies demonstrate the impact of policy decisions on local screen industry producers and their enterprises. A brief overview of research in other regional areas is presented, including two international examples, and what they reveal about regional regeneration. Implications are drawn for creative industries discourse and regional development policy challenges for the future.

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This paper takes the establishment and demise of Manchester’s Creative Industries Development Service as an exemplary case study for the ways in which creative industry policy has intersected with urban economic policy over the last decade. It argues that the creative industries required specific kinds of economic development agencies which would be able to act as ‘intermediary’ between the distinct languages of policy makers and ‘creatives’. The paper discusses the tensions inherent in such an approach and how CIDS attempted to manage them. It suggests that which particular circumstances might have intervened the main reason for the demise of the CIDS was the domination of the ‘economic’ over the ‘cultural logic’ both of which are embedded within the creative industries policy discourse.

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The role of networks and their contribution to sustaining and developing creative industries is well documented (Wittel 2001, Kong 2005, Pratt, 2007). This article argues that although networks operate across geographical boundaries, particularly through the use of communication technologies, the majority of studies have focussed on the ways in which networks operate among creative industry workers located in a) specific inner-urban metropolitan regions or b) specific industries. Such studies are informed by the geographical mindset of creative city proponents such as Florida (2002) and Landry (2000) in which inner-urban precincts are seen as the prime location or ‘hub’ for creative industries activity, business development and opportunity. But what of those creative industries situated beyond the inner city? Evidence in Australia suggests that there is increasing creative industries activity beyond the inner city, in outer-suburban and ex-urban areas (Gibson and Brennan-Horley 2006). This article identifies features of networks operating two outer-suburban locations.

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Purpose – The internet is transforming possibilities for creative interaction, experimentation and cultural consumption in China and raising important questions about the role that “publishers” might play in an open and networked digital world. The purpose of this paper is to consider the role that copyright is playing in the growth of a publishing industry that is being “born digital”. Design/methodology/approach – The paper approaches online literature as an example of a creative industry that is generating value for a wider creative economy through its social network market functions. It builds on the social network market definition of the creative industries proposed by Potts et al. and uses this definition to interrogate the role that copyright plays in a rapidly-evolving creative economy. Findings – The rapid growth of a market for crowd-sourced content is combining with growing commercial freedom in cultural space to produce a dynamic landscape of business model experimentation. Using the social web to engage audiences, generate content, establish popularity and build reputation and then converting those assets into profit through less networked channels appears to be a driving strategy in the expansion of wider creative industries markets in China. Originality/value – At a moment when publishing industries all over the world are struggling to come to terms with digital technology, the emergence of a rapidly-growing area of publishing that is being born digital offers important clues about the future of publishing and what social network markets might mean for the role of copyright in a digital age.

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This article takes the establishment and demise of Manchester’s Creative Industries Development Service (CIDS) as an exemplary case study for the ways in which creative industry policy has intersected with urban economic policy over the last decade. The authors argue that the creative industries required specific kinds of economic development agencies that would be able to act as “intermediaries” between the distinct languages of policymakers and “creatives.” They discuss the tensions inherent in such an approach and how CIDS attempted to manage them and suggest that the main reason for the demise of the CIDS was the domination of the “economic” over the “cultural” logic, both of which are present within the creative industries policy discourse.

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This case study incorporated an analysis of a group of young people as media producers and placed young people’s perspectives of their media education learning at the core of the analysis. Communities of practice social learning theory provided an effective conceptual framework for investigating the nature of the participants’ involvement in a secondary school and creative industry partnership. The analysis of the data in this study indicated that the participants valued their learning by imagining, actively participating and belonging to a media education community of practice. By enabling young people to work directly with creative industries this school and industry partnership provided students with what they saw as valuable first-hand experience of professional expertise, that contributed to students’ understanding of their own and others’ identities.

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Shadow nations face particular problems in constructing competitive film industries. Shadow nations refer to nations whose relative competitiveness suffers from easy product substitutability by products initiated, produced and distributed by powerful actors, such as media conglomerates located in Hollywood. The dominant literature has so far neglected the developing policy recommendations for dealing explicitly with the challenges of shadow nations. This paper aims to develop and apply a normative model for the development of film industries in shadow nations. The model integrates insights from innovation system studies and place branding. The developed model is applied to the Australian film industry as Australia represents a typical shadow nation within the film industry.