8 resultados para rights of the child

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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Human parvovirus B19 (B19V) is known to cause anemia, hydrops fetalis, and fetal death especially during the first half of pregnancy. Women who are in occupational contact with young children are at increased risk of B19V infection. The role of the recently discovered human parvovirus, human bocavirus (HBoV), in reproduction is unknown. The aim of this research project was to establish a scientific basis for assessing the work safety of pregnant women and for issuing special maternity leave regulations during B19V epidemics in Finland. The impact of HBoV infection on the pregnant woman and her fetus was also defined. B19V DNA was found in 0.8% of the miscarriages and in 2.4% of the intrauterine fetal death (IUFD; fetal death after completed 22 gestational weeks). All control fetuses (from induced abortions) were B19V-DNA negative. The findings on hydropic B19V DNA-positive IUFDs with evidence of acute or recent maternal B19V infection are in line with those of previous Swedish studies. However, the high prevalence of B19V-related nonhydropic IUFDs noted in the Swedish studies was mostly without evidence of maternal B19V infection and was not found during the third trimester. HBoV was not associated with miscarriages or IUFDs. Almost all of the studied pregnant women were HboV-IgG positive, and thus most probably immune to HBoV. All preterm births, perinatal deaths, smallness for gestational age (SGA) and congenital anomaly were recorded among the infants of child-care employees in a nationwide register-based cohort study over a period of 14 years. Little or no differences in the results were found between the infants of the child-care employees and those of the comparison group. The annual B19V seroconversion rate was over two-fold among the child-care employees, compared to the women in the comparison group. The seropositivity of the child-care employees increased with age, and years from qualification/joining the trade union. In general, the child-care employees are not at increased risk for adverse pregnancy outcome. However, at the population level, the risk of rare events, such as adverse pregnancy outcomes attributed to infections, could not be determined. According to previous studies, seronegative women had a 5 10% excess risk of losing the fetus during the first half of their pregnancy, but thereafter the risk was very low. Therefore, an over two-fold increased risk of B19V infection among child-care employees is considerable, and should be taken into account in the assessment of the occupational safety of pregnant women, especially during the first half of their pregnancy.

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Children s participation has been a subject in the international research since past ten years. This research has explored participation from the standpoint of the UN s Convention of the Rights of the Child and focused mainly on schoolchildren or on the working youth s chances in developing countries to have impact on their own lives (eg. Sinclair, 2004 and Thomas, 2002). In Finland there has been less research about the children s rights while the main focus has been on the customers of the child welfare system. This study examines children s participation in Helsinki metropolitan area via the views and the practices of the personnel of early childhood education. The adopted viewpoint is Shier s level model of participation (2001), in which the children s participation process is building in phases, is observed via the everyday actions of the kindergarten personnel. Attention has been paid on the special characteristics of the Finnish early childhood education. This study was part of VKK-Metro s research project. The inquiry in May 2010 was directed to all working teams in the kindergartens of the Helsinki metropolitan area. Of these 56.59 % (1116 teams) answered. The quantitative data analyzed by principal component analysis gave four principal components, from which three were named after Shier s participation model. The fourth component included variables about rules and power. The level model of participation fit well to assess early childhood education in the Helsinki metropolitan area. The professionalism of the personnel became emphasized in the area of everyday interactions between the personnel and the children. Important aspects of the children s participation are to become heard, to get support in the play and in interaction and to be able to share both power and responsibility with personnel of the early childhood education.

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Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights is a research in normative political theory, based on comparative analysis of contemporary democratic theories, classified roughly as conventional liberal, deliberative democratic and radical democratic. Its focus is on the conceptual relationship between alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: democratic inclusion and liberal rights. The relationship between rights and democracy is studied through the following questions: are rights to be seen as external constraints to democracy or as objects of democratic decision making processes? Are individual rights threatened by public participation in politics; do constitutionally protected rights limit the inclusiveness of democratic processes? Are liberal values such as individuality, autonomy and liberty; and democratic values such as equality, inclusion and popular sovereignty mutually conflictual or supportive? Analyzing feminist critique of liberal discourse, the dissertation also raises the question about Enlightenment ideals in current political debates: are the universal norms of liberal democracy inherently dependent on the rationalist grand narratives of modernity and incompatible with the ideal of diversity? Part I of the thesis introduces the sources of democratic legitimacy as presented in the alternative democratic models. Part II analyses how the relationship between rights and democracy is theorized in them. Part III contains arguments by feminists and radical democrats against the tenets of universalist liberal democratic models and responds to that critique by partly endorsing, partly rejecting it. The central argument promoted in the thesis is that while the deconstruction of modern rationalism indicates that rights are political constructions as opposed to externally given moral constraints to politics, this insight does not delegitimize the politics of universal rights as an inherent part of democratic institutions. The research indicates that democracy and universal individual rights are mutually interdependent rather than oppositional; and that democracy is more dependent on an unconditional protection of universal individual rights when it is conceived as inclusive, participatory and plural; as opposed to robust majoritarian rule. The central concepts are: liberalism, democracy, legitimacy, deliberation, inclusion, equality, diversity, conflict, public sphere, rights, individualism, universalism and contextuality. The authors discussed are e.g. John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Young, Chantal Mouffe and Stephen Holmes. The research focuses on contemporary political theory, but the more classical work of John S. Mill, Benjamin Constant, Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt is also included.

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Argues that a human rights based concsiousness needs to supersede legal technocracy to avoid the wrongs of deporting family members. Response to public discussion over deportation of two elderly grandmothers from Finland.

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Trafficking in human beings has become one of the most talked about criminal concerns of the 21st century. But this is not all that it has become. Trafficking has also been declared as one of the most pressing human rights issues of our time. In this sense, it has become a part of the expansion of the human rights phenomenon. Although it is easy to see that the crime of trafficking violates several of the human rights of its victims, it is still, in its essence, a fairly conventional although particularly heinous and often transnational crime, consisting of acts between private actors, and lacking, therefore, the vertical effect associated traditionally with human rights violations. This thesis asks, then, why, and how, has the anti-trafficking campaign been translated in human rights language. And even more fundamentally: in light of the critical, theoretical studies surrounding the expansion of the human rights phenomenon, especially that of Costas Douzinas, who has declared that we have come to the end of human rights as a consequence of the expansion and bureaucratization of the phenomenon, can human rights actually bring salvation to the victims of trafficking? The thesis demonstrates that the translation process of the anti-trafficking campaign into human rights language has been a complicated process involving various actors, including scholars, feminist NGOs, local activists and global human rights NGOs. It has also been driven by a complicated web of interests, the most prevalent one the sincere will to help the victims having become entangled with other aims, such as political, economical, and structural goals. As a consequence of its fragmented background, the human rights approach to trafficking seeks still its final form, consisting of several different claims. After an assessment of these claims from a legal perspective, this thesis concludes that the approach is most relevant regarding the mistreatment of victims of trafficking in the hands of state authorities. It seems to be quite common that authorities have trouble identifying the victims of trafficking, which means that the rights granted to themin international and national documents are not realized in practice, but victims of trafficking are systematically deported as illegal immigrants. It is argued that in order to understand the measures of the authorities, and to assess the usefulness of human rights, it is necessary to adopt a Foucauldian perspective and to observe the measures as biopolitical defence mechanisms. From a biopolitical perspective, the victims of trafficking can be seen as a threat to the population a threat that must be eliminated either by assimilating them to the main population with the help of disciplinary techniques, or by excluding them completely from the society. This biopolitical aim is accomplished through an impenetrable net of seemingly insignificant practices and discourses that not even the participants are aware of. As a result of these practices and discourses, trafficking victims only very few of fit the myth of the perfect victim, produced by biopolitical discourses become invisible and therefore subject to deportation as (risky) illegal immigrants, turning them into bare life in the Agambenian sense, represented by the homo sacer, who cannot be sacrificed, yet does not enjoy the protection of the society and its laws. It is argued, following Jacques Rancière and Slavoj i ek, that human rights can, through their universality and formal equality, provide bare life the tools to formulate political claims and therefore utilize their politicization through their exclusion to return to the sphere of power and politics. Even though human rights have inevitably become entangled with biopolitical practices, they are still perhaps the most efficient way to challenge biopower. Human rights have not, therefore, become useless for the victims of trafficking, but they must be conceived as a universal tool to formulate political claims and challenge power .In the case of trafficking this means that human rights must be utilized to constantly renegotiate the borders of the problematic concept of victim of trafficking created by international instruments, policies and discourses, including those that are sincerely aimed to provide help for the victims.