20 resultados para coalition-strategy-proofness

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The main objective of this thesis was to elucidate the effects of regrowth grass silage and red clover silage on nutrient supply and milk production of dairy cows as compared with primary growth grass silages. In the first experiment (publication I), two primary growth and four regrowth grass silages were harvested at two stages of growth. These six silages were fed to 24 lactating dairy cows with two levels of concentrate allowance. Silage intake and energy corrected milk yield (ECM) responses, and the range in these response variables between the diets, were smaller when regrowth silages rather than primary growth silages were fed. Milk production of dairy cows reflected the intake of metabolizable energy (ME), and no differences in the ME utilization were found between the diets based on silages harvested from primary growth and regrowth. The ECM response to increased concentrate allowance was, on average, greater when regrowth rather than primary growth silages were fed. In the second experiment (publication II), two silages from primary growth and two from regrowth used in I were fed to rumen cannulated lactating dairy cows. Cows consumed less feed dry matter (DM), energy and protein, and produced less milk, when fed diets based on regrowth silages rather than primary growth silages. Lower milk production responses of regrowth grass silage diets were mainly due to the lower silage DM intake, and could not be accounted for by differences in energy or protein utilization. Regrowth grass silage intake was not limited due to neutral detergent fibre (NDF) digestion or rumen fill or passage kinetics. However, lower intake may be at least partly attributable to plant diseases such as leaf spot infections, dead deteriorating material or abundance of weeds, which are all higher in regrowth compared with primary growth, and increase with advancing regrowth. In the third experiment (publications III and IV), red clover silages and grass silages harvested at two stages of growth, and a mixed diet of red clover and grass silages, were fed to five rumen cannulated lactating dairy cows. In spite of the lower average ME intake for red clover diets, the ECM production remained unchanged suggesting more efficient utilisation of ME for red clover diets compared with grass diets. Intake of N, and omasal canal flows of total non-ammonia N (NAN), microbial and non-microbial NAN were higher for red clover than for grass silage diets, but were not affected by forage maturity. Delaying the harvest tended to decrease DM intake of grass silage and increase that of red clover silage. The digestion rate of potentially digestible NDF was faster for red clover diets than for grass silage diets. Delaying the harvest decreased the digestion rate for grass but increased it for red clover silage diets. The low intake of early-cut red clover silage could not be explained by silage digestibility, fermentation quality, or rumen fill but was most likely related to the nutritionally suboptimal diet composition because inclusion of moderate quality grass silage in mixed diet increased silage DM intake. Despite the higher total amino acid supply of cows fed red clover versus grass silage diets, further milk production responses on red clover diets were possibly compromised by an inadequate supply of methionine as evidenced by lower methionine concentration in the amino acid profile of omasal digesta and plasma. Increasing the maturity of ensiled red clover does not seem to affect silage DM intake as consistently as that of grasses. The efficiency of N utilization for milk protein synthesis was lower for red clover diets than for grass diets. It was negatively related to diet crude protein concentration similarly to grass silage diets.

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This study explores the EMU stand taken by the major Finnish political parties from 1994 to 1999. The starting point is the empirical evidence showing that party responses to European integration are shaped by a mix of national and cross-national factors, with national factors having more explanatory value. The study is the first to produce evidence that classified party documents such as protocols, manifestos and authoritative policy summaries may describe the EMU policy emphasis. In fact, as the literature review demonstrates, it has been unclear so far what kind of stand the three major Finnish political parties took during 1994–1999. Consequently, this study makes a substantive contribution to understanding the factors that shaped EMU party policies, and eventually, the national EMU policy during the 1990s. The research questions addressed are the following: What are the main factors that shaped partisan standpoints on EMU during 1994–1999? To what extent did the policy debate and themes change in the political parties? How far were the policies of the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party shaped by factors unique to their own national contexts? Furthermore, to what extent were they determined by cross-national influences from abroad, and especially from countries with which Finland has a special relationship, such as Sweden? The theoretical background of the study is in the area of party politics and approaches to EU policies, and party change, developed mainly by Kevin Featherstone, Peter Mair and Richard Katz. At the same time, it puts forward generic hypotheses that help to explain party standpoints on EMU. It incorporates a large quantity of classified new material based on primary research through content analysis and interviews. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used sequentially in order to overcome possible limitations. Established content-analysis techniques improve the reliability of the data. The coding frame is based on the salience theory of party competition. Interviews with eight party leaders and one independent expert civil servant provided additional insights and improve the validity of the data. Public-opinion surveys and media coverage are also used to complete the research path. Four major conclusions are drawn from the research findings. First, the quantitative and the interview data reveal the importance of the internal influences within the parties that most noticeably shaped their EMU policies during the 1990s. In contrast, international events play a minor role. The most striking feature turned out to be the strong emphasis by all of the parties on economic goals. However, it is important to note that the factors manifest differences between economic, democratic and international issues across the three major parties. Secondly, it seems that the parties have transformed into centralised and professional organisations in terms of their EMU policy-making. The weight and direction of party EMU strategy rests within the leadership and a few administrative elites. This could imply changes in their institutional environment. Eventually, parties may appear generally less differentiated and more standardised in their policy-making. Thirdly, the case of the Social Democratic Party shows that traditional organisational links continue to exist between the left and the trade unions in terms of their EMU policy-making. Hence, it could be that the parties have not yet moved beyond their conventional affiliate organisations. Fourthly, parties tend to neglect citizen opinion and demands with regard to EMU, which could imply conflict between the changes in their strategic environment. They seem to give more attention to the demands of political competition (party-party relationships) than to public attitudes (party-voter relationships), which would imply that they have had to learn to be more flexible and responsive. Finally, three suggestions for institutional reform are offered, which could contribute to the emergence of legitimised policy-making: measures to bring more party members and voter groups into the policy-making process; measures to adopt new technologies in order to open up the policy-formation process in the early phase; and measures to involve all interest groups in the policy-making process.

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We still know little of why strategy processes often involve participation problems. In this paper, we argue that this crucial issue is linked to fundamental assumptions about the nature of strategy work. Hence, we need to examine how strategy processes are typically made sense of and what roles are assigned to specific organizational members. For this purpose, we adopt a critical discursive perspective that allows us to discover how specific conceptions of strategy work are reproduced and legitimized in organizational strategizing. Our empirical analysis is based on an extensive research project on strategy work in 12 organizations. As a result of our analysis, we identify three central discourses that seem to be systematically associated with nonparticipatory approaches to strategy work: “mystification,” “disciplining,” and “technologization.” However, we also distinguish three strategy discourses that promote participation: “self-actualization,” “dialogization,” and “concretization.” Our analysis shows that strategy as practice involves alternative and even competing discourses that have fundamentally different kinds of implications for participation in strategy work. We argue from a critical perspective that it is important to be aware of the inherent problems associated with dominant discourses as well as to actively advance the use of alternative ones.

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Although we have seen a proliferation of studies examining the discursive aspects of strategy, the full potential of the linguistic turn has not yet been realized. This paper argues for a multifaceted interdiscursive approach that can help to go beyond simplistic views on strategy as unified discourse and pave the way for the new research efforts. At the meta-level, it is important to focus attention on struggles over competing conceptions of strategy in this body of knowledge. At the meso-level it is interesting to examine alternative strategy narratives to better understand the polyphony and dialogicality in organizational strategizing. At the micro-level, it is useful to reflect on the rhetorical tactics and skills that are used in strategy conversations to promote or resist specific views. This paper calls for new focused analyses at these different levels of analysis, but also for studies of the processes linking these levels.

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Despite the acknowledged importance of strategic planning in business and other organizations, there are few studies focusing on strategy texts and the related processes of their production and consumption. In this paper, we attempt to partially fill this research gap by examining the institutionalized aspects of strategy discourse: what strategy is as genre. Combining textual analysis and analysis of conversation, the article focuses on the official strategy of the City of Lahti in Finland. Our analysis shows how specific communicative purposes and lexico-grammatical features characterize the genre of strategy and how the actual negotiations over strategy text involve particular kinds of intersubjectivity and intertextuality.

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Despite increasing interest in the discursive aspects of strategy, few studies have examined strategy texts and their power effects. We draw from Critical Discourse Analysis to better understand the power of strategic plans as a directive genre. In our empirical analysis, we examined the creation of the official strategic plan of the City of Lahti in Finland. As a result of our inductive analysis, we identified five central discursive features of this plan: self-authorization, special terminology, discursive innovation, forced consensus and deonticity. We argue that these features can, with due caution, be generalized and conceived as distinctive features of the strategy genre. We maintain that these discursive features are not trivial characteristics; they have important implications for the textual agency of strategic plans, their performative effects, impact on power relations and ideological implications.