4 resultados para Traffic safety education.
em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki
Resumo:
Road traffic accidents are a large problem everywhere in the world. However, regional differences in traffic safety between countries are considerable. For example, traffic safety records are much worse in Southern Europe and the Middle East than in Northern and Western Europe. Despite the large regional differences in traffic safety, factors contributing to different accident risk figures in different countries and regions have remained largely unstudied. The general aim of this study was to investigate regional differences in traffic safety between Southern European/Middle Eastern (i.e., Greece, Iran, Turkey) and Northern/Western European (i.e., Finland, Great Britain, The Netherlands) countries and to identify factors related to these differences. We conducted seven sub-studies in which I applied a traffic culture framework, including a multi-level approach, to traffic safety. We used aggregated level data (national statistics), surveys among drivers, and data on traffic accidents and fatalities in the analyses. In the first study, we investigated the influence of macro level factors (i.e., economic, societal, and cultural) on traffic safety across countries. The results showed that a high GNP per capita and conservatism correlated with a low number of traffic fatalities, whereas a high degree of uncertainty avoidance, neuroticism, and egalitarianism correlated with a high number of traffic fatalities. In the second, third, and fourth studies, we examined whether the conceptualisation of road user characteristics (i.e., driver behaviour and performance) varied across traffic cultures and how these factors determined overall safety, and the differences between countries in traffic safety. The results showed that the factorial agreement for driver behaviour (i.e., aggressive driving) and performance (i.e., safety skills) was unsatisfactory in Greece, Iran, and Turkey, where the lack of social tolerance and interpersonal aggressive violations seem to be important characteristics of driving. In addition, we found that driver behaviour (i.e., aggressive violations and errors) mediated the relationship between culture/country and accidents. Besides, drivers from "dangerous" Southern European countries and Iran scored higher on aggressive violations and errors than did drivers from "safe" Northern European countries. However, "speeding" appeared to be a "pan-cultural" problem in traffic. Similarly, aggressive driving seems largely depend on road users' interactions and drivers' interpretation (i.e., cognitive biases) of the behaviour of others in every country involved in the study. Moreover, in all countries, a risky general driving style was mostly related to being young and male. The results of the fifth and sixth studies showed that among young Turkish drivers, gender stereotypes (i.e., masculinity and femininity) greatly influence driver behaviour and performance. Feminine drivers were safety-oriented whereas masculine drivers were skill-oriented and risky drivers. Since everyday driving tasks involve not only erroneous (i.e., risky or dangerous driving) or correct performance (i.e., normal habitual driving), but also "positive" driver behaviours, we developed a reliable scale for measuring "positive" driver behaviours among Turkish drivers in the seventh study. Consequently, I revised Reason's model [Reason, J. T., 1990. Human error. Cambridge University Press: New York] of aberrant driver behaviour to represent a general driving style, including all possible intentional behaviours in traffic while evaluating the differences between countries in traffic safety. The results emphasise the importance of economic, societal and cultural factors, general driving style and skills, which are related to exposure, cognitive biases as well as age, sex, and gender, in differences between countries in traffic safety.
Resumo:
The aim of this study was to examine the trends, incidence and recidivism of drunken driving during a 20-year period (1988 - 2007) using the data on all suspected drunken driving in this period. Furthermore, the association between social background and drunken driving, and the mortality of drunk drivers were studied by using administrative register data provided by Statistics Finland. The study was completely register-based. In 1989 - 1991, every year 30,000 drivers were suspected of drunken driving, but the number fell to less than 20,000 by 1994, during the economic recession. The changes in the arrest incidence of the youngest age groups were especially pronounced, most of all in the age group of 18 - 19-year olds. Even though the incidence among youth decreased dramatically, their incidence rate was still twice that of the general population aged 15 - 84 years. Drunken driving was associated with a poor social background among youth and working-aged men and women. For example, a low level of education, unemployment, divorce, and parental factors in youth were associated with a higher risk of being arrested for drunken driving. While a low income was related to more drunken driving among working-aged people, the effect among young persons was the opposite. Every third drunk driver got rearrested during a 15-year period, whereas the estimated rearrest rate was 44%. Findings of drugs only or in combination with alcohol increased the risk of rearrest. The highest rearrest rates were seen among drivers who were under the influence of amphetamines or cannabis. Also male gender, young age, high blood alcohol concentration, and arrest during weekdays and in the daytime predicted rearrest. When compared to the general population, arrested drunk drivers had significant excess mortality. The greatest relative differences were seen in alcohol-related causes of death (including alcohol diseases and alcohol poisoning), accidents, suicides and violence. Also mortality due to other than alcohol-related diseases was elevated among drunk drivers. Drunken driving was associated with multiple factors linked to traffic safety, health and social problems. Social marginalization may expose a person to harmful use of alcohol and drunken driving, and the associations are seen already among the youth. Recidivism is common among drunk drivers, and driving under the influence of illicit and/or medicinal drugs is likely to indicate worse substance abuse problems, judging from the high rearrest rates. High alcohol-related mortality in this population shows that drunken driving is clearly an indicator of alcohol abuse. More effective measures of preventing alcohol-related harms are needed, than merely preventing convicted drunk drivers from driving again.
Resumo:
Families with children have traditionally moved to suburbs. In the last 20 years a modest counter process has however been recognized. Families with an urban lifestyle stay in the city centres. This study looks at the phenomenon through two cases, Stockholm and Helsinki. In the first case it has already been observed that the city centre has grown in popularity among families with children. Therefore it serves as a basis for the study and as well as a point of comparison. Stockholm’s city centre is expanding as new neighbourhoods have been built and are being planned. In the city centre of Helsinki the building of two large neighbourhoods for 30 000 inhabitants will start in a few years. The first aim of the study is to look closer at what has really happened in the city centre of Stockholm, why families choose to live there with their children and how the City of Stockholm has reacted to the change. The main sources of information are secondary sources, statistics and interviews with planners, politicians and experts in the field. The main object is to look at the situation in the city centre of Helsinki. Can a preference for urban residential environments be observed in Helsinki? What are the reasons for a family to choose the city centre as a living place? How does the everyday life of a family in the city centre appear? How are these families taken into account in the planning of the city? The main sources of information here are statistics, interviews with dwellers in the neighbourhood Kruununhaka and interviews with planners. In Stockholm the birth rate has grown constantly during the 2000s and is highest in the city centre. Some of the families still move elsewhere, but many of them do not. One of the most important reasons for living in the city centre is short working distances which give working parents more time with their children. Another reason is a preference of an urban, active lifestyle. Families prefer to live close to everything, childcare, schools, shops and entertainments. The popularity of the city centre among families with children has taken politicians and planners by surprise. Helsinki has not experienced a baby boom like Stockholm. However the negative changes in the birth rate have been more modest in the central areas than in the suburbs. Statistics show, that many families move away from the city centre as the children grow. Families who stay in the city centre especially appreciate closeness to public and private services and good public transportation which means that they are not dependent on using the car. Further they find that the city centre has a tolerant climate and is a safe and beautiful place to live in. The families enjoy the social life of the neighbourhood and feel that it makes a good climate to raise children in. However they are concerned with traffic safety and the lack of stimulus in the playgrounds of the neighbourhood parks. Two large neighbourhoods with homes for about 30 000 inhabitants are now planned in the former Port Districts in the city centre of Helsinki. The other one, Jätkäsaari has been planned to become an attractive alternative for families with children. Traffic safety has been one of the main objects for the planning. The other, Kalasatama, has been planned to attract all groups in society.