17 resultados para Poor families
em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki
Resumo:
The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.
Resumo:
A Revival in a Village and its Households. The Village of Oravisalo in Rääkkylä Parish and the Renqvistist Revivalism in the 1820s. My purpose is to apply the science of religion and the study of past communities to the study of religious revivalism. Revivalism will be considered a religious phenomenon as well as a cultural and social phenomenon. What makes this study unique is the possibility to reconstruct a list of participating revivalists based on entries in the communion book of the time. The conflict between the revivalists and the chaplain of Rääkkylä also generated other documentary material. The community in Oravisalo was relatively stratified. People lived in complex and varying forms of households. They also had plentiful contacts both with unrelated inhabitants of Oravisalo and with the neighbouring villages. Through these contacts the inhabitants of Oravisalo were introduced to revivalism. In Oravisalo, the revival for the most part fell into a certain social stratum and did not severely damage existing relationships within families or among acquaintances. The revivalists formed a new community within the village but the community was neither very tightly-knit nor was it closed. The revival was an individual phenomenon affected by general factors. First, there were factors that brought about a quest for an applicable system of meanings. These factors included at least three important issues: the Great Partition of land, the crisis of slash-and-burn cultivation, and a population growth that increased the proportion of the landless in the village. As a result, many of the revivalists had low status and poor expectations for the future. Second, there were factors that appealed to the people in the message and character of the preacher, Henrik Renqvist. Third, the proximity of the village to Liperi, where the revival got its start, was crucial to revivalism s spread to Oravisalo. Culturally, the revival meant a change in the system of symbols or meanings, so it was not solely a matter of intensified religious fervour. For instance, Communion, prayer, reading, and perhaps baptism symbolised different things to the revivalists than to other villagers. However, the revivalists do not seem to have started any moral revolution in their village. The religious aspect defined the limits of the protest and the resistance towards authorities. The revivalists wanted only to have the right to follow their conscience. The freedom granted the female members was limited to the religious sphere. No social or economic claims were made. The revival altered the situation of its members only on a symbolic level, yet it also offered them status within their own group.
Resumo:
Glaucoma, optic neuropathy with excavation in the optic nerve head and corresponding visual field defect, is one of the leading causes for blindness worldwide. However, visual disability can often be avoided or delayed if the disease is diagnosed at an early stage. Therefore, recognising the risk factors for development and progression of glaucoma may prevent further damage. The purpose of the present study was to evaluate factors associated with visual disability caused by glaucoma and the genetic features of two risk factors, exfoliation syndrome (ES) and a positive family history of glaucoma. The present study material consisted of three study groups 1) deceased glaucoma patients from the Ekenäs practice 2) glaucoma families from the Ekenäs region and 3) population based families with and without exfoliation syndrome from Kökar Island. For the retrospective study, 106 patients with open angle glaucoma (OAG) were identified. At the last visit, 17 patients were visually impaired. Blindness induced by glaucoma was found in one or both eyes in 16 patients and in both eyes in six patients. The cumulative incidence of glaucoma caused blindness for one eye was 6% at 5 years, 9% at 10 years, and 15% at 15 years from initialising the treatment. The factors associated with blindness caused by glaucoma were an advanced stage of glaucoma at diagnosis, fluctuation in intraocular pressure during treatment, the presence of exfoliation syndrome, and poor patient compliance. A cross-sectional population based study performed in 1960-1962 on Kökar Island and the same population was followed until 2002. In total 965 subjects (530 over 50 years) have been examined at least once. The prevalence of exfoliation syndrome (ES) was 18% among subjects older than 50 years. Seventy-five of all 78 ES-positives belonged to the same extended pedigree. According to the segregation and family analysis, exfoliation syndrome seemed to be inherited as an autosomal dominant trait with reduced penetrance. The penetrance was more reduced for males, but the risk for glaucoma was higher in males than in females. To find the gene or genes associated with exfoliation syndrome, a genome wide scan was performed for 64 members (28 ES affected and 36 controls) of the Kökar pedigree. A promising result was found: the highest two-point LOD score of 3.45 (θ=0.04) in chromosome18q12.1-21.33. The presence of mutations in glaucoma genes TIGR/MYOC (myocilin) and OPTN (optineurin) was analysed in eight glaucoma families from the Ekenäs region. An inheritance pattern resembling autosomal dominant mode was detected in all these families. Primary open angle glaucoma or exfoliation glaucoma was found in 35% of 136 family members and 28% were suspected to have glaucoma. No mutations were detected in these families.
Resumo:
Background and aims. Type 1 diabetes (T1D), an autoimmune disease in which the insulin producing beta cells are gradually destroyed, is preceded by a prodromal phase characterized by appearance of diabetes-associated autoantibodies in circulation. Both the timing of the appearance of autoantibodies and their quality have been used in the prediction of T1D among first-degree relatives of diabetic patients (FDRs). So far, no general strategies for identifying individuals at increased disease risk in the general population have been established, although the majority of new cases originate in this population. The current work aimed at assessing the predictive role of diabetes-associated immunologic and metabolic risk factors in the general population, and comparing these factors with data obtained from studies on FDRs. Subjects and methods. Study subjects in the current work were subcohorts of participants of the Childhood Diabetes in Finland Study (DiMe; n=755), the Cardiovascular Risk in Young Finns Study (LASERI; n=3475), and the Finnish Type 1 Diabetes Prediction and Prevention Study (DIPP) Study subjects (n=7410). These children were observed for signs of beta-cell autoimmunity and progression to T1D, and the results obtained were compared between the FDRs and the general population cohorts. --- Results and conclusions. By combining HLA and autoantibody screening, T1D risks similar to those reported for autoantibody-positive FDRs are observed in the pediatric general population. Progression rate to T1D is high in genetically susceptible children with persistent multipositivity. Measurement of IAA affinity failed in stratifying the risk assessment in young IAA-positive children with HLA-conferred disease susceptibility, among whom affinity of IAA did not increase during the prediabetic period. Young age at seroconversion, increased weight-for-height, decreased early insulin response, and increased IAA and IA-2A levels predict T1D in young children with genetic disease susceptibility and signs of advanced beta-cell autoimmunity. Since the incidence of T1D continues to increase, efforts aimed at preventing T1D are important, and reliable disease prediction is needed both for intervention trials and for effective and safe preventive therapies in the future. Our observations confirmed that combined HLA-based screening and regular autoantibody measurements reveal similar disease risks in pediatric general population as those seen in prediabetic FDRs, and that risk assessment can be stratified further by studying glucose metabolism of prediabetic subjects. As these screening efforts are feasible in practice, the knowledge now obtained can be exploited while designing intervention trials aimed at secondary prevention of T1D.
Resumo:
Some leucine-rich repeat (LRR) -containing membrane proteins are known regulators of neuronal growth and synapse formation. In this work I characterize two gene families encoding neuronal LRR membrane proteins, namely the LRRTM (leucine-rich repeat, transmembrane neuronal) and NGR (Nogo-66 receptor) families. I studied LRRTM and NGR family member's mRNA tissue distribution by RT-PCR and by in situ hybridization. Subcellular localization of LRRTM1 protein was studied in neurons and in non-neuronal cells. I discovered that LRRTM and NGR family mRNAs are predominantly expressed in the nervous system, and that each gene possesses a specific expression pattern. I also established that LRRTM and NGR family mRNAs are expressed by neurons, and not by glial cells. Within neurons, LRRTM1 protein is not transported to the plasma membrane; rather it localizes to endoplasmic reticulum. Nogo-A (RTN4), MAG, and OMgp are myelin-associated proteins that bind to NgR1 to limit axonal regeneration after central nervous system injury. To better understand the functions of NgR2 and NgR3, and to explore the possible redundancy in the signaling of myelin inhibitors of neurite growth, I mapped the interactions between NgR family and the known and candidate NgR1 ligands. I identified high-affinity interactions between RTN2-66, RTN3-66 and NgR1. I also demonstrate that Rtn3 mRNA is expressed in the same glial cell population of mouse spinal cord white matter as Nogo-A mRNA, and thus it could have a role in myelin inhibition of axonal growth. To understand how NgR1 interacts with multiple structurally divergent ligands, I aimed first to map in more detail the nature of Nogo-A:NgR1 interactions, and then to systematically map the binding sites of multiple myelin ligands in NgR1 by using a library of NgR1 expression constructs encoding proteins with one or multiple surface residues mutated to alanine. My analysis of the Nogo-A:NgR1 -interactions revealed a novel interaction site between the proteins, suggesting a trivalent Nogo-A:NgR1-interaction. Our analysis also defined a central binding region on the concave side of NgR1's LRR domain that is required for the binding of all known ligands, and a surrounding region critical for binding MAG and OMgp. To better understand the biological role of LRRTMs, I generated Lrrtm1 and Lrrtm3 knock out mice. I show here that reporter genes expressed from the targeted loci can be used for maping the neuronal connections of Lrrtm1 and Lrrtm3 expressing neurons in finer detail. With regard to LRRTM1's role in humans, we found a strong association between a 70 kb-spanning haplotype in the proposed promoter region of LRRTM1 gene and two possibly related phenotypes: left-handedness and schizophrenia. Interestingly, the responsible haplotype was linked to phenotypic variability only when paternally inherited. In summary, I identified two families of neuronal receptor-like proteins, and mapped their expression and certain protein-protein interactions. The identification of a central binding region in NgR1 shared by multiple ligands may facilitate the design and development of small molecule therapeutics blocking binding of all NgR1 ligands. Additionally, the genetic association data suggests that allelic variation upstream of LRRTM1 may play a role in the development of left-right brain asymmetry in humans. Lrrtm1 and Lrrtm3 knock out mice developed as a part of this study will likely be useful for schizophrenia and Alzheimer s disease research.
Resumo:
Genetic susceptibility to juvenile idiopathic arthritis (JIA) was studied in the genetically homogeneous Finnish population by collecting families with two or three patients affected by this disease from cases seen in the Rheumatism Foundation Hospital. The number of families ranged in different studies from 37 to 45 and the total number of patients with JIA, from among whom these cases were derived, was 2 000 to 2 300. Characteristics of the disease in affected siblings in Finland were compared with a population-based series and with a sibling series from the United States. A thorough clinical and ophthalmological examination was made of all affected patients belonging to sibpair series. Information on the occurrence of chronic rheumatic diseases in parents was collected by questionnaire and diagnoses were confirmed from hospital records. All patients, their parents and most of the healthy sibs were typed for human leukocyte antigen (HLA) alleles in loci A, C, B, DR and DQ. The HLA allele distribution of the cases was compared with corresponding data from Finnish bone marrow donors. The genetic component in JIA was found to be more significant than previously believed. A concordance rate of 25% for a disease with a population prevalence of 1 per 1000 implied a relative risk of 250 for a monozygotic (MZ) twin. An estimate for the sibling risk of an affected individual was about 15- to 20-fold. The disease was basically similar in familial and sporadic cases; the mean age at disease onset was however lower in familial cases, (4.8 years vs 7.4 years). Three sibpairs (3.4 expected) were concordant for the presence of asymptomatic uveitis. Uveitis would thus not appear to have any genetic component of its own, separate from the genetic basis of JIA. Four of the parents had JIA (0.2 cases expected), four had a type of rheumatoid factor-negative arthritis similar to that seen in juvenile patients but commencing in adulthood, and one had spondyloarthropathy (SPA). These findings provide additional support for the conception of a genetic predisposition to JIA and suggest the existence of a new disease entity, JIA of adult onset. Both the linkage analysis of the affected sibpairs and the association analysis of nuclear families provided overwhelming evidence of a major contribution of HLA to the genetic susceptibility to JIA. The association analysis in the Finnish population confirmed that the most significant associations prevailed for DRB1*0801, DQB1*0402, as expected from previous observations, and indicated the independent role of Cw*0401.
Resumo:
There is increasing evidence that the origins of poor adult health and health inequalities can be traced back to circumstances preceding current socioeconomic position and living conditions. The life-course approach to examining the determinants of health has emphasised that exposure to adverse social and economic circumstances in earlier life or concurrent adverse circumstances due to unfavourable living conditions in earlier life may lead to poor health, health-damaging behaviour, disease or even premature death in adulthood. There is, however, still a lack of knowledge about the contribution of social and economic circumstances in childhood and youth to adult health and health inequalities, and even less is known about how environmental and behavioural factors in adulthood mediate the effects of earlier adverse experiences. The main purpose of this study was to deepen our understanding of the development of poor health, health-damaging behaviours and health inequalities during the life-course. Its aim was to find out which factors in earlier and current circumstances determine health, the most detrimental indicators of health behaviour (smoking, heavy drinking and obesity as a proxy for the balance between nutrition and exercise), and educational health differences in young adults in Finland. Following the ideas of the social pathway theory, it was assumed that childhood environment affects adult health and its proximal determinants via different pathways, including educational, work and family careers. Early adulthood was studied as a significant phase of life when many behavioural patterns and living conditions relevant to health are established. In addition, socioeconomic health inequalities seem to emerge rapidly when moving into adulthood; they are very small or non-existent in childhood and adolescence, but very marked by early middle age. The data of this study were collected in 2000 2001 as part of the Health 2000 Survey (N = 9,922), a cross-sectional and nationally representative health interview and examination survey. The main subset of data used in this thesis was the one comprising the age group 18 29 years (N = 1,894), which included information collected by standardised structured computer-aided interviews and self-administered questionnaires. The survey had a very high participation rate at almost 90% for the core questions. According to the results of this study, childhood circumstances predict the health of young adults. Almost all the childhood adversities studied were found to be associated with poor self-rated health and psychological distress in early adulthood, although fewer associations were found with the somatic morbidity typical of young adults. These effects seemed to be more or less independent of the young adult s own education. Childhood circumstances also had a strong effect on smoking and heavy drinking, although current circumstances and education in particular, played a role in mediating this effect. Parental smoking and alcohol abuse had an influence on the corresponding behaviours of offspring. Childhood circumstances had a role in the development of obesity and, to a lesser extent, overweight, particularly in women. The findings support the notion that parental education has a strong effect on early adult obesity, even independently of the young adult s own educational level. There were marked educational differences in self-rated health in early adulthood: those in the lowest educational category were most likely to have average or poorer health. Childhood social circumstances seemed to explain a substantial part of these educational differences. In addition, daily smoking and heavy drinking contributed substantially to educational health differences. However, the contribution of childhood circumstances was largely shared with health behaviours adopted by early adulthood. Employment also shared the effects of childhood circumstances on educational health differences. The results indicate that childhood circumstances are important in determining health, health behaviour and health inequalities in early adulthood. Early recognition of childhood adversities followed by relevant support measures may play an important role in preventing the unfortunate pathways leading to the development of poor health, health-damaging behaviour and health inequalities. It is crucially important to recognise the needs of children living in adverse circumstances as well as children of substance abusing parents. In addition, single-parent families would benefit from support. Differences in health and health behaviours between different sub-groups of the population mean that we can expect to see ever greater health differences when today s generation of young adults grows older. This presents a formidable challenge to national health and social policy as well as health promotion. Young adults with no more than primary level education are at greatest risk of poor health. Preventive policies should emphasise the role of low educational level as a key determinant of health-damaging behaviours and poor health. Keywords: health, health behaviour, health inequalities, life-course, socioeconomic position, education, childhood circumstances, self-rated health, psychological distress, somatic morbidity, smoking, heavy drinking, BMI, early adulthood
Resumo:
This study contributes to the mutual fund literature by looking at performance persistence on a fund family level, allowing for individual equity, bond and balanced funds to be included under single family umbrellas. The study is conducted on the emerging Finnish mutual fund market, an environment in which the importance of superior fund family teams is likely to be accentuated. Using both non–parametric and parametric tests we find robust evidence of performance persistence for the fund families. Persistence is particularly strong in the first half of the investigation period, which highlights the importance of fund families at early stages of market development.