Ryssän koulussa : Suomalaiset Venäjän stipendiaatit autonomian aikana 1812-1917

Finnish scholarship students in Russia during the autonomy (1812-1917) During the autonomy in Finland (1809-1917), an attempt to improve the knowledge of the Russian language was made through special language university scholarships. With these scholarships the students could go and study the Russian language and acquire cultural knowledge in Russia. Other member countries on the edges of the Russian Empire, like Poland and the Baltic provinces, did not have similar programs. The first two scholars started their journey in 1812. A system of travel allowances was introduced in 1841. Between the years 1812- 1917 a total of almost 400 students studied in Russia. The studies mainly took place in Moscow. These scholarship students were called the Master s of Moscow ". In this paper, Finnish-Russian relations are studied based on the attitude towards the Russian language and the people who studied it in Finland. Although the attitude towards them was neutral in the beginning, in 1844 there was a strong change. Students of Russian, and especially the scholars, received the stigma of being unreliable and unpatriotic, a stigma they were never able to get rid of. The study of the Russian language was voluntary in Finnish schools between 1863 and 1872. Starting from 1890, however, the study of the Russian language was enforced. In doing so, the Russians attempted to unify the Empire, while the Finns had the illusion that they had their own state. Thus, Russia saw the language as a way to unify the Empire and Finns as an attempt to make them Russians. The purpose of studying in Russia was to improve the student s practical language skills and overall knowledge of the customs and culture of the country. Besides knowing the language, knowledge of Russian culture and customs is essential in understanding Russia and Russians; therefore, the studies of literature, geography and history have been noted in this research. Without knowledge it is difficult to develop understanding. After their studies, almost all of the scholars returned to Finland and did not continue their careers in Russia. They worked mainly as teachers and civil servants, and managed to improve the Finnish people s weak knowledge of Russian and Russia through teaching, translations of literature and newspaper articles. Through these scholars, it is possible to see how the attitudes towards the language have been closely related to the political history between Finland and Russia. The language became the subject of resistance and these attitudes were transferred to its students. In 1917, the study of Russia and the Russian language ended and it was no longer possible to use the acquired knowledge of language and country in independent Finland.

Growing Flowers in the Frost: Civic Activity, Citizenship and Gender in Russia

This study analyzes civic activity, citizenship and their gendered manifestations in contemporary Russia. It is based on a case study conducted in the city of Tver , located in the vicinity of Moscow, during 2001-2005. The data consists of interviews with civic activists and municipal and regional authorities; observations of civic organizations; and a quantitative survey conducted among local civic groups. The theoretical and methodological framework of the study draws upon a micro perspective on organization, discourse analysis, gender and citizenship theories and Pierre Bourdieu s theory of fields and capital. This study develops theoretical understanding of the characteristics and logic of civic organization in Russia. It shows that social class centrally structures the field of civic activity. Organizations can be seen as a vehicle of the educated class to advocate their interests, help themselves and seek both social and individual-level change. The study also argues that civic organizations founded during the post-Soviet era are often an institutionalized form of informal social networks. Networks, which were a central element of everyday interaction in Soviet society, are a resource and often the only resource available that can be made use of in contemporary organizational activities. The study argues that gender operates as a key structuring principle in the Russian socio-political community. Civic activity is often discursively associated with femininity and institutional politics with masculinity. Women tend to participate more than men in civic organizations, while men dominate the formal political domain. The study shows that civic organizations are important loci of communality. This communality, however, differs from the communality envisioned in the communitarian and social capital debates in the West. It is selective communality , as it is restricted to the members of the organizations and does not create generalized reciprocity and trust. Civic organizations tend to build upon and reproduce the traditional Russian organizational form of circles , kruzhki. Along with the analysis of civic activities, the study also examines the redefinition of the role and functions of the state. The authorities interviewed in this study understand civic organizations as serving those goals and interests determined by the authorities, instead of viewing them as sites of citizens self-organization around interests and problems citizens themselves deem important, or as a counterforce to the state. By contrast, civic activists understand the core of organizational activity to be advocacy of their interests and rights, tackling social problems, the pursuit of wider social change and self-help. Co-operation between authorities and organizations tends to be personified and based upon unequal, hierarchical patron-client arrangements, which inhibits the development of democratic governance. The study will be published in Routledge Contemporary Russia and Eastern Europe Series later this year.

Productivity of the suffixes -ness and -ity in 17th-century English letters : A sociolinguistic approach

Tässä työssä tutkitaan englannin kielen substantiivijohtimien -ness ja -ity produktiivisuutta 1600-luvulla kirjoitetuissa kirjeissä. Näitä lähes synonyymisiä johtimia käytetään yleensä merkitykseltään abstraktien substantiivien muodostamiseen adjektiiveista (esim. productive 'produktiivinen' > productiveness tai productivity 'produktiivisuus'). Johtimista -ity on lainautunut englantiin ranskasta ja myöhemmin myös latinasta; se on sekä fonologialtaan että semantiikaltaan läpinäkymättömämpi kuin kotoperäinen -ness. Lisäksi -ity-johdinta on käytetty enimmäkseen formaaleissa tilanteissa ja tieteellisissä teksteissä, kun taas -ness on ollut yleiskäyttöisempi. Tutkielman lähestymistapa on sosiolingvistinen: oletetaan, että johtimien produktiivisuus (eli valmius muodostaa uusia johdoksia) voi vaihdella eri sosiaaliryhmissä. Sosiolingvistiikkaa ei ole aiemmin juurikaan sovellettu produktiivisuuden tutkimiseen. Tutkimusaineistona on Helsingin yliopiston VARIENG-tutkimusyksikön laatima Corpus of Early English Correspondence, varhaisista englanninkielisistä kirjeistä koostuva korpus eli elektroninen tekstikokoelma, joka on suunniteltu historiallisen sosiolingvistiikan tarpeisiin. Korpuksen 1600-luvun kirjeitten yhteenlaskettu pituus on noin 1,4 miljoonaa sanaa, ja ne on kirjoitettu vuosina 1600-1681. Tutkielman tärkeimpänä produktiivisuusmittarina käytetään johtimien avulla muodostettujen eri sanojen eli tyyppien lukumäärää. Hypoteesina on, että -ity-tyyppien määrä on keskimääräistä pienempi huonosti koulutettujen sosiaaliryhmien kirjeissä. Näitä olivat 1600-luvulla naiset sekä alhaisimmat yhteiskuntaryhmät, kuten talonpojat ja käsityöläiset. Johtimen -ness tyyppimäärissä ei odoteta esiintyvän sosiolingvististä variaatiota. Tutkielmassa käsitellään myös tyyppimäärien vertailuun liittyviä metodologisia ongelmia. Koska vaikkapa naisilta ja miehiltä on eri määrä dataa, ei heidän tyyppimääriään voida suoraan verrata keskenään. Esimerkiksi tyyppimäärien normalisointi tuhatta sanaa kohti ei myöskään ole mahdollista, koska tyyppien lukumäärä ei kasva lineaarisesti korpuksen kasvaessa. Tutkielmassa esitetään kielitieteessä harvoin käytetty tilastotieteellinen menetelmä, jonka avulla korpuksen eri osista saatuja tyyppimääriä voidaan verrata koko korpukseen ja testata, ovatko ne tilastollisesti merkittävän pieniä tai suuria. Toisin kuin monet yleisemmät menetelmät, tämä tyyppikertymiin ja permutaatiotesteihin perustuva metodi ei vaadi yksinkertaistavien oletuksien tekemistä. Tutkimustulokset vahvistavat hypoteesin oikeaksi: naisten -ity-tyyppien lukumäärä on tilastollisesti merkittävän alhainen, kun taas -ness-tyyppien määrissä ei ole tilastollisesti merkittäviä eroja. Alhaisimpien yhteiskuntaryhmien osalta tuloksia ei saada, koska niiltä on korpuksessa liian vähän dataa. Analyysissä paljastuu myös yllättävä eroavaisuus: korpuksen ajallisesti ensimmäisessä puoliskossa (1600-1639) on merkittävän vähän -ity-tyyppejä. Tämä voidaan tulkita kielelliseksi muutokseksi: -ity-johtimen produktiivisuus kasvaa kirjeissä 1600-luvun aikana. Saattaa olla, että johtimen produktiivisuus on ensin kasvanut formaalimmissa tekstilajeissa, joista lisääntynyt käyttö on sitten levinnyt myös kirjeisiin, ehkäpä 1640-luvun sisällissodan synnyttämien kontaktiverkostojen siivittämänä. Tuloksien perusteella voidaan sanoa, että sosiolingvistinen vaihtelu on merkittävä tekijä ainakin joittenkin johtimien produktiivisuudessa, joten vaihtelua on syytä tutkia enemmänkin. Tutkimuksessa käytetty metodi mahdollistaa osakorpuksien tyyppimäärien luotettavan vertailun melko pienissäkin korpuksissa, joten se soveltuu hyvin niin historialliseen kielitieteeseen kuin sosiolingvistiikkaankin.

Elite Bargaining and the Evolution of Centre-Periphery Relations in Post-Soviet Russia : A Comparative Analysis

This work is concerned with presenting a modified theoretical approach to the study of centre-periphery relations in the Russian Federation. In the widely accepted scientific discourse, the Russian federal system under the Yeltsin Administration (1991-2000) was asymmetrical; largely owing to the varying amount of structural autonomy distributed among the federation s 89 constituent units. While providing an improved understanding as to which political and socio-economic structures contributed to federal asymmetry, it is felt that associated large N-studies have underemphasised the role played by actor agency in re-shaping Russian federal institutions. It is the main task of this thesis to reintroduce /re-emphasise the importance of actor agency as a major contributing element of institutional change in the Russian federal system. By focusing on the strategic agency of regional elites simultaneously within regional and federal contexts, the thesis adopts the position that political, ethnic and socio-economic structural factors alone cannot fully determine the extent to which regional leaders were successful in their pursuit of economic and political pay-offs from the institutionally weakened federal centre. Furthermore, this work hypothesises that under conditions of federal institutional uncertainty, it is the ability of regional leaders to simultaneously interpret various mutable structural conditions then translate them into plausible strategies which accounts for the regions ability to extract variable amounts of economic and political pay-offs from the Russian federal system. The thesis finds that while the hypothesis is accurate in its theoretical assumptions, several key conclusions provide paths for further inquiry posed by the initial research question. First, without reliable information or stable institutions to guide their actions, both regional and federal elites were forced into ad-hoc decision-making in order to maintain their core strategic focus: political survival. Second, instead of attributing asymmetry to either actor agency or structural factors exclusively, the empirical data shows that both agency and structures interact symbiotically in the strategic formulation process, thus accounting for the sub-optimal nature of several of the actions taken in the adopted cases. Third, as actor agency and structural factors mutate over time, so, too do the perceived payoffs from elite competition. In the case of the Russian federal system, the stronger the federal centre became, the less likely it was that regional leaders could extract the high degree of economic and political pay-offs that they clamoured for earlier in the Yeltsin period. Finally, traditional approaches to the study of federal systems which focus on institutions as measures of federalism are not fully applicable in the Russian case precisely because the institutions themselves were a secondary point of contention between competing elites. Institutional equilibriums between the regions and Moscow were struck only when highly personalised elite preferences were satisfied. Therefore the Russian federal system is the product of short-term, institutional solutions suited to elite survival strategies developed under conditions of economic, political and social uncertainty.

Rhetoric and public speech in English republicanism, 1642-1681

The study analyses the ambivalent relationship republicanism, as a form of self-government free from domination, had with the ideal of participatory oratory and non-dominated speech on the one hand, and with the danger of unhindered demagogy and its possibly fatal consequences to that form of government on the other. Although previous scholarship has delved deeply into republicanism as well as into rhetoric and public speech, the interplay between those aspects has only gathered scattered interest, and there has been no systematic study considering the variety of republican approaches to rhetoric and public speech in 17th-century England. The rare attempts to do so have been studies in English literature, and they have not analysed the political philosophy of republicanism, as the focus has been on republicanism as a literary culture. This study connects the fields of political theory, political history as well as literature in order to make a multidisciplinary contribution to intellectual history. The study shows that, within the tradition of classical republicanism, individual authors could make different choices when addressing the problematic topics of public speech and rhetoric, and the variety of their conclusions often set the authors against each other, resulting in the development of their theories through internal debates within the republican tradition. The authors under study were chosen to reflect this variety and the connections between them: the similarities between James Harrington and John Streater, and between John Milton and John Hall of Durham are shown, as well the controversies between Harrington and Milton, and Streater and Hall, respectively. In addition, by analysing the writings of Marchamont Nedham the study will show that the choices were not limited to more, or less, democratic brands of republicanism. Most significantly, the study provides a thorough analysis of the political philosophies behind the various brands of republicanism, in addition to describing them. By means of this analysis, the study shows that previous attempts to assess the role of free speech and public debate, through the lenses of modern, rights-based liberal political theory have resulted in an inappropriate framework for understanding early modern English republicanism. By approaching the topics through concepts used by the republicans legitimate authority, leadership by oratory, and republican freedom and through the frames of reference available and familiar to them roles of education and institutions the study presents a thorough and systematic analysis of the role and function of rhetoric and public speech in English republicanism. The findings of this analysis have significant consequences to our current understanding of the history and development of republican political theory, and, more generally, of the connections between democratic theory and free speech.