Rikollisia sattumalta? : Naisten keskinäistä haureutta koskevat oikeudenkäynnit 1950-luvun Itä-Suomessa

The main focus of the research is on the genealogy of women's same-sex fornication in Finnish criminal law from 1889/1894 to 1971. Why were women included in the concept of same-sex fornication in Finland and why, where, and when was the law put into effect? Which women were tried, how did the trial proceedings evolve, and what kind of effects did the trials have afterwards? Which concepts were used? These questions have been approached through the analysis of the Finnish Penal Code, the criminal law science and four trial proceedings in Eastern Finland during the 1950s. The research draws on the epistemology of the closet and the concept of heteronormativity adapted from queer theories. It is method critical in utilising ethnography, micro history and feminist ethical self-reflection. The research consists of six scientific refereed articles (see appendix) and of a theoretical introduction. The main results of the research are: 1) The genealogy of Finnish decency [Sittlichkeit] can not be researched without oral histories, due to the late modernisation of Finnish society and the legal system, which does not follow the pattern of English, French and German societies. 2) The inclusion of women's same-sex fornication in the Finnish Penal Code is not incomprehensible when compared to the early modern European legislations and court practices. Women have been punished for the sins of Sodom, though not directly under the 1734 Swedish law. 3) Fornication and decency were ambivalent concepts in the 1889/1894 law, and juridical authorities offered controversial interpretations of them during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. 4) A peak in women's convictions occurred in the 1950s, and most of the trial proceedings took place in rural Eastern Finland. Neither the state nor the police were active in prosecuting; instead, the trial proceedings began "by accident". 5) From 1940 to 1960 police training lacked instructions concerning the interrogation of women suspected of same-sex fornication. 6) The figure of the penitent woman was produced in the chiasmic encounter of confession and police interrogation which moulded and was moulded by the epistemological matrix of shame, honour, and decency. Women's speech acts were judicialised as confessions which enabled the disciplinary tampering with the women's bodies. 7) Gender and personality, more than sexuality, or "criminality" defined the status of the convicted women in their village communities after the trials. 8) Relations between police training, sexuality, and decency have not been well researched in Finland. 9) Decriminalisation in 1971 did not mark the end of homophobic legal discourse, even though the 1999 reform of sexual crimes took the form of gender neutral conceptualisation

"Secoituxesta järjettömäin luondocappalden canssa" : Perversiot, oikeuselämä ja kansankulttuuri 1700-luvun Suomessa

Bestiality was in the 18th century a more difficult problem in terms of criminal policy in Sweden and Finland than in any other Christian country in any other period. In the legal history of deviant sexuality, the phenomenon was uniquely widespread by international comparison. The number of court cases per capita in Finland was even higher than in Sweden. The authorities classified bestiality among the most serious crimes and a deadly sin. The Court of Appeal in Turku opted for an independent line and was clearly more lenient than Swedish courts of justice. Death sentences on grounds of bestiality ended in the 1730s, decades earlier than in Sweden. The sources for the present dissertation include judgment books and Court of Appeal decisions in 253 cases, which show that the persecution of those engaging in bestial acts in 18th century Finland was not organised by the centralised power of Stockholm. There is little evidence of local campaigns that would have been led by authorities. The church in its orthodoxy was losing ground and the clergy governed their parishes with more pragmatism than the Old Testament sanctioned. When exposing bestiality, the legal system was compelled to rely on the initiative of the public. In cases of illicit intercourse or adultery the authorities were even more dependent on the activeness of the local community. Bestiality left no tangible evidence, illegitimate children, to betray the crime to the clergy or secular authorities. The moral views of the church and the local community were not on a collision course. It was a common view that bestiality was a heinous act. Yet nowhere near all crimes came to the authorities' knowledge. Because of the heavy burden of proof, the legal position of the informer was difficult. Passiveness in reporting the crime was partly because most Finns felt it was not their place to intervene in their neighbours' private lives, as long as that privacy posed no serious threat to the neighbourhood. Hidden crime was at least as common as crime more easily exposed and proven. A typical Finnish perpetrator of bestiality was a young unmarried man with no criminal background or mental illness. The suspects were not members of ethnic minorities or marginal social groups. In trials, farmhands were more likely to be sentenced than their masters, but a more salient common denominator than social and economical status was the suspects' young age. For most of the defendants bestiality was a deep-rooted habit, which had been adopted in early youth. This form of subculture spread among the youth, and the most susceptible to experiment with the act were shepherds. The difference between man and animal was not clear-cut or self-evident. The difficulty in drawing the line is evident both in legal sources and Finnish folklore. The law that required that the animal partners be slaughtered led to the killing of thousands of cows and mares, and thereby to substantial material losses to their owners. Regarding bestiality as a crime against property motivated people to report it. The belief that the act would produce human-animal mongrels or that it would poison the milk and the meat horrified the public more than the teachings of the church ever could. Among the most significant aspects in the problems regarding the animals is how profoundly different the worldview of 18th century people was from that of today.

Breath Testing by Fourier Transform Infrared Spectroscopy for Solvent Intoxication Diagnostics

Technical or contaminated ethanol products are sometimes ingested either accidentally or on purpose. Typical misused products are black-market liquor and automotive products, e.g., windshield washer fluids. In addition to less toxic solvents, these liquids may contain the deadly methanol. Symptoms of even lethal solvent poisoning are often non-specific at the early stage. The present series of studies was carried out to develop a method for solvent intoxication breath diagnostics to speed up the diagnosis procedure conventionally based on blood tests. Especially in the case of methanol ingestion, the analysis method should be sufficiently sensitive and accurate to determine the presence of even small amounts of methanol from the mixture of ethanol and other less-toxic components. In addition to the studies on the FT-IR method, the Dräger 7110 evidential breath analyzer was examined to determine its ability to reveal a coexisting toxic solvent. An industrial Fourier transform infrared analyzer was modified for breath testing. The sample cell fittings were widened and the cell size reduced in order to get an alveolar sample directly from a single exhalation. The performance and the feasibility of the Gasmet FT-IR analyzer were tested in clinical settings and in the laboratory. Actual human breath screening studies were carried out with healthy volunteers, inebriated homeless men, emergency room patients and methanol-intoxicated patients. A number of the breath analysis results were compared to blood test results in order to approximate the blood-breath relationship. In the laboratory experiments, the analytical performance of the Gasmet FT-IR analyzer and Dräger 7110 evidential breath analyzer was evaluated by means of artificial samples resembling exhaled breath. The investigations demonstrated that a successful breath ethanol analysis by Dräger 7110 evidential breath analyzer could exclude any significant methanol intoxication. In contrast, the device did not detect very high levels of acetone, 1-propanol and 2-propanol in simulated breath. The Dräger 7110 evidential breath ethanol analyzer was not equipped to recognize the interfering component. According to the studies the Gasmet FT-IR analyzer was adequately sensitive, selective and accurate for solvent intoxication diagnostics. In addition to diagnostics, the fast breath solvent analysis proved feasible for controlling the ethanol and methanol concentration during haemodialysis treatment. Because of the simplicity of the sampling and analysis procedure, non-laboratory personnel, such as police officers or social workers, could also operate the analyzer for screening purposes.