7 resultados para 199-1219

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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The aim of this thesis was to study the basic relationships between thinning and fertilisation, tree growth rate and wood properties of Norway spruce (Picea abies (L.) Karst.) throughout a stand rotation. The material consisted of a total of 109 trees from both long-term thinning (Heinola, 61°10'N, 26°01'E; Punkaharju, 61°49'N, 29°19'E) and fertilisation-thinning experiments (Parikkala, 61°36'N, 29°22'E; Suonenjoki, 62°45'N, 27°00'E) in Finland. Wood properties, i.e., radial increment, wood density, latewood proportion, tracheid length, cell wall thickness and lumen diameter, as well as relative lignin content, were measured in detail from the pith to the bark, as well as from the stem base towards the stem apex. Intensive thinning and fertilisation treatments of Norway spruce stands increased (8% 64%) the radial increment of studied trees at breast height (1.3 m). At the same time, a faster growth rate slightly decreased average wood density (2% 7%), tracheid length (0% 9%) and cell wall thickness (1% 17%). The faster growth resulted in only small changes (0% 9%) in lumen diameter and relative lignin content (1% 2%; lignin content was 25.4% 26%). However, the random variation in wood properties was large both between and within trees and annual rings. The results of this thesis indicate that the prevailing thinning and fertilisation treatments of Norway spruce stands in Fennoscandia may significantly enhance the radial increment of individual trees, and cause only small or no detrimental changes in wood and tracheid properties.

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The Ideal of Volunteerism. An institutional approach to social welfare work in the parishes of the Diocese of Porvoo especially in the deaneries of Iitti and Tampere, Finland, in the years 1897-1923 Social welfare work (also known as diakonia) has achieved a high status in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland. Since 1944, provisions of the Finnish Church Act have obliged each parish to employ at least one deacon or deaconess. This study sets out to examine the background and development of social welfare work in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland from the 1890s to the 1920s, by which time social welfare work had become an established practice in the Church. The study investigates the development of social welfare work on the level of parishes. The main source material was collected from sixteen parishes in the Diocese of Porvoo especially in the deaneries of Iitti and Tampere. In the 1890s, two approaches were used in church social work in Finland. The dioceses of Kuopio, Savonlinna and Turku pursued a congregational approach to social work, while the Diocese of Porvoo employed an institutional approach, mainly because of the influence of Bishop Herman Råbergh. This study charts the formation of church social work in Finnish parishes, which took place during a period of tension between the two approaches. The institutional approach to church social work adopted by the Diocese of Porvoo was based on the German system of Asisters= houses@, in which deaconess institutes sent parish sisters to serve congregations. The parish or, in many cases, a separate association dedicated to church social work paid an annual fee to the deaconess institute, which took care of the parish sisters in old age. In the institutional approach, volunteers were recruited to carry out church social work. It was considered as inappropriate to use tax revenue or other public funding for church social work, which was supposed to be based on Christian love for one=s fellow humans and the needy, and for which only voluntary financial contributions were supposed to be used. In the congregational approach, church social work was directly based on the efforts of the parish. The approach relied on the administrative bodies of parishes and the Church, and tax revenue collected by the parishes, as well as other forms of public funding, could be used to carry out the social welfare work. The parishes employed deacons and deaconesses and paid their salaries. The approaches described above were not pursued in their ideal forms; instead, many variations existed. However, in principle, the social welfare work undertaken by the parishes of the Diocese of Porvoo was based on the institutional approach, while the congregational approach was largely employed elsewhere in Finland. Both of the approaches were viable. Parishes began to employ deacons and deaconesses as of the 1890s. The number of parishes which had hired a deacon or deaconess increased particularly in the 1910s, by which time 60% of parishes had employed one. This level was maintained until 1944 when each parish in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland was obliged to employ a deacon or deaconess. Deaconesses usually worked as travelling nurses. The autonomous status of Finland as part of the Russian Empire did not give Finns the right to develop legislation on social affairs and health care. Consequently, the legislation process did not begin until Finland gained its independence in 1917. The social welfare work carried out by parishes and a number of voluntary organisations satisfied the emerging need for medical treatment in Finnish society. Neither the government nor the municipalities had sufficient resources to provide this treatment. Based on the ideal of volunteerism, the institutional social work practiced in the Diocese of Porvoo ran into serious difficulties at the end of the First World War. Because of severe inflation, prices began to rise as of 1915 and tripled in 1917-1918. During the same period, Finnish society went through a deep crisis which escalated into Civil War in spring 1918. This period of economic and social turmoil marked a turning-point which led to a weakening of the status of institutional social work in parishes. Voluntary efforts were no longer sufficient to maintain the practice. In contrast, congregational social work, which was based on public funding, was able to cope with the changes and survived the crisis. The approach to social work adopted by the Diocese of Porvoo turned out to be no more than a brief detour in the history of social work in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland. At the start of the 1920s, the two approaches were integrated into a common vision for establishing church social work as a statutory practice in parishes.

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Knowledge-sharing in a teamwork The study examines the link between knowledge-sharing that takes place in a team and the dimensions and objectives of the team s activities. The question the study poses is: How does knowledge-sharing in a team relate to the team s activities? The exchange of knowledge is examined using knowledge-sharing networks and the conversion model, which describes the process of knowledge formation. The answer to the question is sought through four empirical articles describing the activities of a team from the viewpoint of quality, fairness, power related to knowledge management, and performance. One of the articles used in the study describes the role of networks in work life more generally. It attempts to shed light on the manner in which team-related networks operate as part of a more extensive structure of organizational networks. Finland is one of the most eager users of teamwork, if numbers are used as a yardstick. About half of all Finnish wage earners worked in teams in 2009, and comparisons show that the use of teams in Finland is above the EU average. This study focuses on so-called semi-autonomous teams, which carry out permanent work tasks. In such teams, tasks are interdependent, and teams are jointly responsible for ensuring that the work is done. Team members may also, at least to some extent, agree between themselves on how the tasks are carried out and are able to take part in the decision-making process. Such teamwork makes knowledge-sharing an important element for the team s activities. Knowledge and knowledge-sharing have become a major resource, allowing organizations to operate and even compete in today s increasingly competitive markets. A single team or a single organization cannot, however, possess all the knowledge required for carrying out the tasks assigned to it. Although it is difficult to copy the knowledge generated in an organization, it is important to share the knowledge within and between organizations. External links supply teams and organizations with important knowledge that allows them to keep their operations up-to-date and their structures well-functioning. In fact, knowledge provides teams and organizations with an intangible resource that improves their capacity to interact with their environment and to adjust to it. For this reason, it is important to examine both the internal and external knowledge-sharing taking place in a team. The findings of the study show that in terms of quality, fairness, performance and the knowledge management issues concerning a team, its social network structure is both internally and externally connected with its activities. A team structure that is internally coherent and at the same time open to external contacts, is, with certain restrictions, connected with the quality, fairness, and performance of the team. The restrictions concern differences between procedural and interactional justice, public and private sectors, and the team leaders and ordinary team members. The role of the team leader is closely connected with the management of networks that are considered valuable. The results of the study indicate that teamwork is supervisor-dominated. Thus, teamwork does not substantially strengthen the influence of individual employees as players in knowledge-transfer networks. However, ordinary team members possess important peer contacts inside the organization. Teamwork clearly allows employees to interact in a democratic manner, and here the transfer of tacit knowledge plays an important role. Keywords: teamwork, knowledge-sharing, social networks, organization

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Tiivistelmä Maaraportin tavoitteena on luoda yleiskatsaus Italian kolmanteen sektoriin ja tutkimus kohdistuu erityisesti Pohjois-Italiassa sijaitsevan Veneton läänin kolmannen sektorin palvelutuotantoon. Raportissa tarkastellaan erityisesti kolmannen sektorin ja julkisen palvelutuotantosektorin sekä julkishallinnon toiminnallisia suhteita. Kolmannen sektorin mahdollisuuksia vastata maaseutualueiden palvelujen tarjonnan haasteisiin on pyritty analysoimaan. Italia on julkishallinnon ja kolmannen sektorin palvelutuotannon kannalta tarkasteltuna nykytilanteessa mielenkiintoinen testilaboratorio koko Euroopan mittakaavassa johtuen maan historiallisista, kulttuuri-sista, kieli- ja maantieteellisistä sekä itse väestöpohjan tarjoamista haasteista. Italiasta ei voida puhua yhden homogeenisen valtiokäsitteen alla, koska maa toimii kulttuurisista perinteistään johtuen kolmella eri nopeudella. Itse valtio käsitettäkin tulkitaan Italiassa monin eri tavoin pohjautuen ”valtiona” nähdyn organisaation käytännön funktioon sitoutuneena alueellisiin ja kulttuurisiin tekijöihin. Teollinen, dynaaminen yritysten varakas Pohjois-Italia henkilöityneenä Milanoon, hallinnon ja kulttuurin leimaama Keski-Italia kiteytyneenä ikuiseen kaupunkiin Roomaan ja Napolin alapuolinen Etelä-Italia, joka painii ”järjestelmässä sisällä olevan järjestelmänsä” kanssa eivät ole koskaan muodos-taneet oikeasti yhtenäistä Italian valtiota. Italiassa erillisinä itsehallinnollisina alueina toimivat lääneiksi luettavat Sisilia, Trentino Alto-Adige, Val di Aosta, Sardegna ja Friuli-Venezia Giulia, mikä lisää hallinnollista kirjavuutta. Viimeisten vuosien aikana Italian julkishallinto on ollut jatkuvassa transitiotilassa yrittäessään kohdata uudistumisen vaateita globalisoituvassa maailmassa. Italiassa on meneillään hidas siirtyminen liittovaltiomaiseen järjestelmään ja jopa syvempään paikallisuuteen. Massiivinen ja raskas julkishallintokoneisto neljällä eri tasolla (valtio - lääninhallinnolliset alueet - vahvat maakunnat - kunnat) on erittäin hankalasti modernisoitavissa, mutta poliittinen tahtotila on vaihtumassa klassista vahvaa keskushallintoa kannattavasta ajattelutavasta hyväksymään federalistisia, alueellisia hallintoratkaisuja. Italiassa on herätty havaitsemaan, että ongelmien ratkaisu täytyy viedä itse alueille ja niiden ihmisille, koska unilateraalinen keskushallinnointitapa ei enää vastaa monikerroksisiin, moniulotteisiin alueellisiin haasteisiin. Jokaisella alueella on erilaiset lähtökohdat ongelmien ratkaisuihin myös globalisoitumisen asettamissa yhteisissä haasteissa. Kolmannen sektorin asema arvostettuna italialaisten kansalaispalvelujen täydentäjänä ja tuottajana alkaa olla nykypäivää. Kolmannen sektorin elintärkeä osuus uusien palvelutarpeiden tunnistamisessa on jo yleisesti tunnustettu tosiasia Italiassa. Vapaaehtoisjärjestöt toimivat eturivissä kansalaisten arkipäivässä ja pystyvät näin kanavoimaan ensimmäisinä sosiaalista kehityskulkua ja kohottamaan esiin erilaisia marginaalistenkin ryhmien tarpeita sekä vastaamaan niihin. Kolmas sektori laajentaa, tuottaa ja paikkaa paikallista julkista palvelutuotantoa. Ratkaiseva askel lainsäädännölliseltä kannalta on ollut rahoitusvirtojen ohjaaminen kolmannen sektorin ns. ONLUS-organisaatioille ja ONLUS-statuksen perustaminen vuonna 1997. Italiassa on 60 231.214 asukasta (31.7.2009) ja se on hallinnollisesti jakaantuneena 8 100 kuntaan. Suomessa vastaavat luvut ovat 5 350 712 asukasta ja 348 kuntaa (11/2009). Maantieteelliseltä kooltaan Italia ei eroa 301 338 km2:n pinta-alallaan paljonkaan Suomesta (338 424 km2). Väestömäärän erojen vuoksi Italiassa on keskimäärin 199,9 asukasta neliökilometrillä ja Suomessa 17,1. Maiden välinen suora vertailu ei ollut mittakaavaerojen vuoksi järkevää. Kuntien hallinnollinen rooli on Italiassa painotukseltaan erilainen kuin Suomessa. Suomessa kuntien vastuulla oleva sosiaali-, terveydenhuolto- ja koulutoimi eivät ole samassa laajuudessa italialaisten kuntien vastuulla vaan näiden toimialojen vastuulliset tahot ovat läänit terveydenhoitopiireineen sekä maakuntahallinto koulupiirien osalta. Italialaisten kuntien vastuualueet voivat myös vaihdella mittavasti perustuslaissa määriteltyjen perustoimien lisäksi. Tutkimuksen kohteeksi on rajattu Koillis-Italiassa sijaitseva Veneton läänin alue, koska se on väkimäärältään lähes yhtä suuri kuin Suomi, 4 893 309 asukasta (31.3.2009). Kuntien lukumäärä on huimaava 581 kpl. Veneto on maantieteelliseltä alueeltaan pieni ja harvaan asuttua maaseutua on pinta-alasta melko niukasti. Pohjoisen osan vuoristoalueet karuine olosuhteineen muodostavat palvelutuotannollisesti haas-teellisen ympäristön, joka on verrattavissa suomalaisten maaseutualueiden tilanteeseen. Venetossa on omaksuttu Italian mittakaavassa innovatiivisia ratkaisuja julkishallinnon palvelutuotannon ja kolmannen sektorin toiminnan osalta. Veneton alue on luokiteltu maailman pienyritysintensiivisimmäksi alueeksi, mikä heijastuu myös alueen palvelutuotantoratkaisuissa. Raportti esittelee ensin Italian hallintoa, keskushallinnon, paikallishallinnon ja tutkimuksen asettelulle olennaisten kolmannen sektorin toimijoiden osalta. Tämä on välttämätöntä, sillä kolmannen sektorin toiminta on Italiassa hyvin pitkälle lainsäädännöllä ohjattua ja rajattua. Kolmannen sektorin käsitteistöä, toimijoita, järjestäytymistä ja sen toimintaa säätelevää lainsäädäntöä esitellään tarkemmin. Veneton läänin osalta kolmanteen sektoriin perehdytään sekä hallinnon että toimijakentän näkökulmia tulkiten. Raportin lopussa esitellään kolmannen sektorin palvelutuotantoon ja hallinnointiin liittyviä case-esimerkkitapauksia.

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The open access (OA) model for journals is compared to the open source principle for computer software. Since the early 1990s nearly 1,000 OA scientific journals have emerged – mostly as voluntary community efforts, although recently some professionally operating publishers have used author charges or institutional membership. This study of OA journals without author charges shows that their impact is still relatively small, but awareness of it is increasing. The average number of research articles per year is lower than for major scientific journals but the publication times are shorter.

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Growth and Convergence: The Case of China Since the initiation of economic reforms in 1978, China has become one of the world’s fast-growing economies. The rapid growth, however, has not been shared equally across the different regions in China. The prominent feature of substantial differences in incomes and growth rates across the different Chinese regions has attracted the attention of many researchers. This book focuses on issues related to economic growth and convergence across the Chinese regions over the past three decades. The book has eight chapters. Apart from an introduction chapter and a concluding chapter, all the other chapters each deal with some certain aspects of the central issue of regional growth and convergence across China over the past three decades. The whole book is organized as follows. Chapter 1 provides an introduction to the basic issues involved in this book. Chapter 2 tests economic growth and convergence across 31 Chinese provinces during 1981-2005, based on the theoretical framework of the Solow growth model. Chapter 3 investigates the relationship between openness to foreign economic activities, such as foreign trade and foreign direct investment, and the regional economic growth in the case of China during 1981-2005. Chapter 4, based on data of 31 Chinese provinces over the period 1980-2004, presents new evidence on the effects of structural shocks and structural transformation on growth and convergence among the Chinese regions. Chapter 5, by building up an empirical model that takes account of different potential effects of foreign direct investment, focuses on the impacts of foreign direct investment on China’s regional economic performance and growth. Chapter 6 reconsiders the growth and convergence problem of the Chinese regions in an alternative theoretical framework with endogenous saving behavior and capital mobility across regions. Chapter 7, by building up a theoretical model concerning comparative advantage and transaction efficiency, focuses on one of the potential mechanisms through which China achieves its fast economic growth over the past few decades. Chapter 8 concludes the book by summarizing the results from the previous chapters and suggesting directions for further studies.