Chromatographic analysis and survey studies to evaluate the emerging drugs of synthetic cannabinoids in Scotland and Saudi Arabia

Synthetic cannabinoid receptor agonists or more commonly known as synthetic cannabinoids (SCs) were originally created to obtain the medicinal value of THC but they are an emerging social problem. SCs are mostly produced coated on herbal materials or in powder form and marketed under a variety of brand names, e.g. “Spice”, “K2”. Despite many SCs becoming controlled under drug legislation, many of them remain legal in some countries around the world. In Scotland, SCs are controlled under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971 and Psychoactive Substances Act 2016 that only cover a few early SCs. In Saudi Arabia, even fewer are controlled. The picture of the SCs-problem in Scotland is vague due to insufficient prevalence data, particularly that using biological samples. Whilst there is evidence of increasing use of SCs throughout the world, in Saudi Arabia, there is currently no data regarding the use of products containing SCs among Saudi people. Several studies indicate that SCs may cause serious toxicity and impairment to health therefore it is important to understand the scale of use within society. A simple and sensitive method was developed for the simultaneous analysis of 10 parent SCs (JWH-018, JWH-073, JWH-250, JWH-200, AM-1248, UR-144, A-796260, AB-FUBINACA, 5F-AKB-48 and 5F-PB-22) in whole blood and 8 corresponding metabolites (JWH-018 4-OH pentyl, JWH-073 3-OH butyl, JWH-250 4-OH pentyl, AM-2201 4-OH pentyl, JWH-122 5-OH pentyl, JWH-210 5-OH pentyl, 5F-AKB-48 (N-4 OH pentyl), 5F-PB-22 3-carboxyindole)in urine using LLE and LC-MS/MS. The method was validated according to the standard practices for method validation in forensic toxicology (SWGTOX, May 2013). All analytes gave acceptable precision, linearity and recovery for analysing blood and urine samples. The method was applied to 1,496 biological samples, a mixture of whole blood and urine. Blood and/or urine samples were analysed from 114 patients presenting at Accident and Emergency in Glasgow Royal Infirmary, in spring 2014 and JuneDecember 2015. 5F-AKB-48, 5F-PB-22 and MDMB-CHMICA were detected in 9, 7 and 9 cases respectively. 904 urine samples from individuals admitted to/liberated from Scottish prisons over November 2013 were tested for the presence of SCs. 5F-AKB-48 (N-4 OH pentyl) was detected in 10 cases and 5F-PB-22 3-carboxyindole in 3 cases. Blood and urine samples from two post-mortem cases in Scotland with suspected ingestion of SCs were analysed. Both cases were confirmed positive for 5F-AKB-48. A total of 463 urine samples were collected from personnel who presented to the Security Forces Hospital in Ryiadh for workplace drug testing as a requirement for their job during July 2014. The results of the analysis found 2 samples to be positive for 5F-PB-22 3carboxyindole. A further study in Saudi Arabia using a questionnaire was carried out among 3 subpopulations: medical professionals, members of the public in and around smoking cafes and known drug users. With regards to general awareness of Spice products, 16%, 11% and 22% of those participants of medical professionals, members of the public in and around smoking cafes and known drug users, respectively, were aware of the existence of SCs or Spice products. The respondents had an overall average of 4.5% who had a friend who used these Spice products. It is clear from the results obtained in both blood and urine testing and surveys that SCs are being used in both Scotland and Saudi Arabia. The extent of their use is not clear and the data presented here is an initial look into their prevalence. Blood and urine findings suggest changing trends in SC use, moving away from JWH and AM SCs to the newer 5F-AKB-48, 5-F-PB-22 and MDMBCHMICA compounds worldwide. In both countries 5F-PB-22 was detected. These findings clarify how the SCs phenomenon is a worldwide problem and how the information of every country regarding what SCs are seized can help and is not specific for that country. The analytes included in the method were selected due to their apparent availability in both countries, however it is possible that some newer analytes have been used and these would not have been detected. For this reason it is important that methods for testing SCs are updated regularly and evolve with the ever-changing availability of these drugs worldwide. In addition, there is little published literature regarding the concentrations of these drugs found in blood and urine samples and this work goes some way towards understanding these.

State-narco networks and the ‘War on Drugs’ in post-transition Bolivia, with special reference to 1989-1993

This thesis examines the development of state-narco networks in post-transition Bolivia. Mainstream discourses of drugs tend to undertheorise such relationships, holding illicit economies, weak states and violence as synergistic phenomena. Such assumptions fail to capture the nuanced relations that emerge between the state and the drug trade in different contexts, their underlying logics and diverse effects. As an understudied case, Bolivia offers novel insights into these dynamics. Bolivian military authoritarian governments (1964-1982), for example, integrated drug rents into clientelistic systems of governance, helping to establish factional coalitions and reinforce regime authority. Following democratic transition in 1982 and the escalation of US counterdrug efforts, these stable modes of exchange between the state and the coca-cocaine economy fragmented. Bolivia, though, continued to experience lower levels of drug-related violence than its Andean neighbours, and sustained democratisation despite being a major drug producer. Focusing on the introduction of the Andean Initiative (1989-1993), I explore state-narco interactions during this period of flux: from authoritarianism to (formal) democracy, and from Cold War to Drug War. As such, the thesis transcends the conventional analyses of the drugs literature and orthodox readings of Latin American narco-violence, providing insights into the relationship between illicit economies and democratic transition, the regional role of the US, and the (unintended) consequences of drug policy interventions. I utilise a mixed methods approach to offer discrete perspectives on the object of study. Drawing on documentary and secondary sources, I argue that state-narco networks were interwoven with Bolivia’s post-transition political settlement. Uneven democratisation ensured pockets of informalism, as clientelistic and authoritarian practices continued. This included police and military autonomy, and tolerance of drug corruption within both institutions. Non-enforcement of democratic norms of accountability and transparency was linked to the maintenance of fragile political equilibrium. Interviews with key US and Bolivian elite actors also revealed differing interpretations of state-narco interactions. These exposed competing agendas, and were folded into alternative paradigms and narratives of the ‘war on drugs’. The extension of US Drug War goals and the targeting of ‘corrupt’ local power structures, clashed with local ambivalence towards the drug trade, opposition to destabilising, ‘Colombianised’ policies and the claimed ‘democratising mission’ of the Bolivian government. In contrasting these US and Bolivian accounts, the thesis shows how real and perceived state-narco webs were understood and navigated by different actors in distinct ways. ‘Drug corruption’ held significance beyond simple economic transaction or institutional failure. Contestation around state-narco interactions was enmeshed in US-Bolivian relations of power and control.