The effects of attractiveness and underlying components on the motivational salience and the memorability of face photographs

Facial attractiveness is a particularly salient social cue that influences many important social outcomes. Using a standard key-press task to measure motivational salience of faces and an old/new memory task to measure memory for face photographs, this thesis investigated both within-woman and between-women variations in response to facial attractiveness. The results indicated that within-woman variables, such as fluctuations in hormone levels, influenced the motivational salience of facial attractiveness. However, the between-women variable, romantic relationship status, did not appear to modulate women’s responses to facial attractiveness. In addition to attractiveness, dominance also contributed to both the motivational salience and memorability of faces. This latter result demonstrates that, although attractiveness is an important factor for the motivational salience of faces, other factors might also cause faces to hold motivational salience. In Chapter 2, I investigated the possible effects of women’s salivary hormone levels (estradiol, progesterone, testosterone, and estradiol-to-progesterone ratio) on the motivational salience of facial attractiveness. Physically attractive faces generally hold greater motivational salience, replicating results from previous studies. Importantly, however, the effect of attractiveness on the motivational salience of faces was greater in test sessions where women had high testosterone levels. Additionally, the motivational salience of attractive female faces was greater in test sessions where women had high estradiol-to-progesterone ratios. While results from Chapter 2 suggested that the motivational salience of faces was generally positively correlated with their physical attractiveness, Chapter 3 explored whether physical characteristics other than attractiveness contributed to the motivational salience of faces. To address this issue, I first had the faces rated on multiple traits. Principal component analysis of third-party ratings of faces for these traits revealed two orthogonal components that were highly correlated with trustworthiness and dominance ratings respectively. Both components were positively and independently related to the motivational salience of faces. While Chapter 2 and 3 did not examine the between-woman differences in response to facial attractiveness, Chapter 4 examined whether women’s responses to facial attractiveness differed as a function of their romantic partnership status. As several researchers have proposed that partnership status influences women’s perception of attractiveness, in Chapter 4 I compared the effects of men’s attractiveness on partnered and unpartnered women’s performance on two response measures: memory for face photographs and the motivational salience of faces. Consistent with previous research, women’s memory was poorer for face photographs of more attractive men and more attractive men’s faces held greater motivational salience. However, in neither study were the effects of attractiveness modulated by women’s partnership status or partnered women’s reported commitment to or happiness with their romantic relationship. A key result from Chapter 4 was that more attractive faces were harder to remember. Building on this result, Chapter 5 investigated the different characteristics that contributed to the memorability of face photographs. While some work emphasizes relationships with typicality, familiarity, and memorability ratings, more recent work suggests that ratings of social traits, such as attractiveness, intelligence, and responsibility, predict the memorability of face photographs independently of typicality, familiarity, and memorability ratings. However, what components underlie these traits remains unknown, as well as whether these components relate to the actual memorability of face photographs. Principal component analysis of all these face ratings produced three orthogonal components that were highly correlated with trustworthiness, dominance, and memorability ratings, respectively. Importantly, each of these components also predicted the actual memorability of face photographs.

Graphic satire and the rise and fall of the First British Empire: political prints from the Seven Years' War to the Treaty of Paris, c. 1756-1783

This thesis examines the early stages of the transformation of emblematic political prints into political caricature from the beginning of the Seven Years' War (1756) to the Treaty of Paris, which ended the American Revolutionary War (1783). Both contextual and iconographical issues are investigated in relation to the debates occasioned by Britain's imperial project, which marked a period of dramatic expansion during the Seven Years' War, and ended with the loss of the American colonies, consequently framing this thesis as a study of political prints during the rise and fall of the so-called 'First British Empire'. Previous studies of eighteenth-century political prints have largely ignored the complex and lengthy evolutionary process by which the emblematic mode amalgamated with caricatural representation, and have consequently concluded that political prints excluded emblems entirely by the end of the 1770s. However, this study emphasizes the significance of the Wilkite movement for the promotion and preservation of emblems, and investigates how pictorial political argument was perceived and received in eighteenth-century British society, arguing that wider tastes and opinions regarding the utilization of political prints gradually shifted to accept both modes of representation. Moreover, the marketplace, legal status, topicality, and manufacturing methods of political prints are analyzed in terms of understanding the precarious nature of their consumption and those that endeavoured to engage in political printmaking. The evolution, establishment, and subsequent appropriation of pictorial tropes is discussed from the early modern period to the beginning of the so-called Golden Age of caricature, while tracing the adaptation of representational models in American colonial prints that employed emblems already entrenched in British pictorial political debate. Political prints from the two largest print collections, the British Museum and the Lewis Walpole Library at Yale are consulted, along with a number of eighteenth-century newspapers and periodicals, to develop the earlier research by M. Dorothy George, Charles Press, Herbert Atherton, Diana Donald, Amelia Rauser, and Eirwen Nicholson.

The Scottish Parliament in the 15th and 16th centuries

Earlier histories of the Scottish parliament have been somewhat constitutional in emphasis and have been exceedingly critical of what was understood to be parliament's subservience to the crown. Estimates by constitutional historians of the extreme weakness of parliament rested on an assessment of the constitutional system. The argument was that many of its features were not consistent with a reasonably strong parliament. Because the 'constitution' is apparently fragmented, with active roles played by bodies such as the lords of articles, the general council and the convention of estates, each apparently suggesting that parliament was inadequate, historians have sometimes failed to appreciate the positive role played by the estates in the conduct of national affairs. The thesis begins with a discussion of the reliability of the printed text of APS and proceeds to an examination of selected aspects of the work of parliament in a period from c 1424-c 1625. The belief of constitutional historians such as Rait that conditions In Scotland proved unfavourable to the interests and. effectiveness of parliament in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, is also examined. Chapter 1 concludes that APS is a less than reliable text, particularly for the reign of James I. Numerous statutes were excluded from the printed text and they are offered below for the first time. These statutes have been a useful addition to our understanding of the reign of James I. Chapter 2 analyses the motives behind the schemes for shire representation and concludes that neither constitutional theory nor political opportunism explains the support which James I and James VI gave to these measures. Both these monarchs were motivated by the realisation that their particular ambitions were dependent on winning the support of the estates whose ranks should include representatives from the shires. Chapter 3 examines the method of electing the lords of articles, the composition of this committee, and some aspects of its operation. The conclusion is that in the main the estates were the deciding force in the choice of the lords of articles. The committee's composition was more a reflection of a desire for a balance between representatives from north and south of the Forth and for the most important burghs and clergy to be selected than an attempt at electing government favourites. The articles did exercise a significant control over the items which came before parliament but this control was not absolute and applied to government as well as private legislation. Chapter 4 questions the traditional view that the general council and convention of estates were the same body. It is argued that they were two different institutions with different powers, but that they nevertheless worked within certain limits and were careful not to usurp the authority of parliament. Chapter 5 concedes that taxation was sometimes decided outside parliament; that the irregularity of taxation certainly weakened the bargaining power of the estates and that the latter did not appear to capitalise on these occasions when taxation was an issue. But the tendency was to ensure that, whether in or out of parliament, the decision to impose taxation was taken by a large number of each estate. The infrequency of taxation was a direct consequence of an unwillingness among the estates to agree to a regular taxation and their preference to ensure for the crown an alternative source of income. Moreover taxation was one issue, which more than any other, would be subject to contentious opposition by the estates, and could lead to the crown's defeat. Chapter 6 is concerned with ecclesiastical representation after the Reformation and the church's attitudes to the possibility of ministerial representation. Some ministers had doctrinal misgivings but the majority came to believe that the church's absence from parliament bad severely reduced. the influence of the church. That no agreement was forthcoming on a system of ministerial representation, particularly after 1597, is attributable to the estates' unwillingness to compromise and, not to the strength of opposition in the church. Chapter 7 examines the institutions which are sometime seen as 'rivals' of parliament and concludes that institutions such as the privy council were generally very careful in matters which needed the approval of parliament, and seemed aware of the greater authority of parliament. Chapter 8 which illustrates how parliament had the right to be consulted in all important matters of state, brings together the main points of the earlier chapters and offers further illustrations of the essential role which parliament played in the conduct of national affairs. Whether or not the system can be regarded as constitutionally sound, the estates in Scotland could observe parliament's day-to-day operation with some satisfaction. All in all, there is little convincing evidence that parliament was as weak as some historians would have us believe.