5 resultados para crisis of democracy

em Universidade Complutense de Madrid


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Madrid has been the center of Spanish musical scene and industry since the 80s, when “la movida” becomes the metaphor for the new colorful, young and cosmopolitan country established with the arrival of democracy. The city, in this way, is basically a place. But this sense of place started to crash with the arrival of digital music. In the new paradigm, intermediaries were supposed to disappear and music was something contained in networks and computers. The question now is how to integrate digital music, a nonphysical, individual experience, with the way in which the city of Madrid is lived through in musical terms. With the advent of digital music, concerts became the primary source of income for musicians. The centrality of the gig can be understood as the confirmation that we are living in an economy of experience. This centrality also reorganized the way in which music is produced and consumed: now, records are produced in order to create the opportunity of a musical event (band promote their tour as presentation of their latest recordings) that can be promoted in social networks and media; concerts are the places where musicians construct their fans’ communities and are the places were records are sold, not a way to know the band but to demonstrate both the support for the band and the status of the listeners. To study the place of music in the process of metropolization in Madrid we need to understand music as a field of tension

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The object of this doctoral thesis is the analysis of the political and administrative purpose that is given to the reform process of a vital sector of State powers within the framework of delegate democracy, such as the administration of Justice. The object is also to analyze if State reform in a diminished or non-liberal surrounding increase or improve conditions of democracy in a given situation, based on the constitutional “what should be”, or if what occurs is a process of “seizure” of the functions of State, which becomes an institutional risk. Finally, we will examine the real and effective existence of a horizontal accountability process through the use of institutional resources, which would evidence the existence of an incomplete model of democracy. This analysis implies the relationship between two institutions within public administration: State Reform, as an act of change in State structure in order to improve qualitatively the outcomes and outputs of public policies, and in sum, to make the system work better. This, as it will be examined later, is the case of Latin America as a response of the State to three processes in crisis: fiscal, as in government intervention or in the form of bureaucratic administration. In that scheme of things, this thesis examines the present state of the art in public administration science of this process to prove that in delegate democracy, this type of instruments disregard the constitutive elements of democracy and serve, especially in critical areas of the administration, allowing for Power to dismiss Law. This research seeks to contribute towards an area seldom analyzed regarding public administration doctrine under the light of the theory of law, which is the connection between previous conditions or principal inputs of an execution process of a democracy and, on the other hand, regarding the effects of introducing a reform within models of a changing democracy and new concepts of the rule of law. While reviewing writings regarding State reform, it is clear that no approximations have been previously made in reference to prior conditions of the political system in order to begin operating a reform which respects fundamental rights as an object of this procedure. Furthermore, no analysis has been found regarding structural change of strategic areas in State services as to the effect caused on democratic exercise and the outcome in an open society...

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Edmund Burke is both the greatest and the most underrated political thinker of the last three hundred years. We could not agree more with this assertion of Jesse Norman. Very few political-statesmen have attainted the enormous repercussion both in politics and in history that Burke had deployed over the last centuries. Nevertheless, Burke remains unfairly unknown for a wider public. And what it is more, the vast majority tend to think of him as a conservative, if not a liberal-conservative. A prior precision has to be made before continuing regarding the term liberal for the sake of accuracy. Burke was a prominent Whig, what in Spanish language we describe as a liberal, in the sense that both Hayek and Milton Friedman uttered, far from the meaning “kidnapped” of the word liberal by the Anglo-Saxon left. The object of this thesis is to investigate the non-solved controversy on Burke`s figure and the liberal answer he provided with to the political crisis of legitimacy of the 18th century. There is an existing shared opinion by the academia that prior to the Reflections on the Revolution of France, his masterpiece, he was an outstanding and prominent Whig. Champion of liberty, justice and good governance, guardian of liberal virtues and the authentic developer of the efficient policy put in place by the Marquis of Rockingham in order to curb the corruption and influence emanating from the court of George the Third and his double cabinet.

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Some arguments are briefly presented about the negative consequences of the deep global economic and financial crisis of 2008 on the economic activity and the social situation in Spain. Reformulation, sustainability and financial viability of social welfare in Spain require a new management through resource efficiency, increasing market presence and initiative of stakeholders as a whole. In this sense, the main credible argument of the welfare social in Spain depends on a new perspective on socialization and generosity of social protection system. Specifically, the solution to the crisis must come through economic growth, increased productivity, employment and competitiveness and not by the way of increasing levels of social protection.

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The present dissertation explores the concept of masculinity as power, paying special attention to the production and resistance of the rigid narratives of masculinity. Such configuration has prescribed the role of men in society—both at an individual and collective level—placing man at the centre of the patriarchal system and thus conferring upon men superiority over women. Such ideological construction is based on an essentialist view of the world, where biology determines destiny. As Men’s Studies have been advocating since their emergence, the victims of such an inegalitarian system are mainly women, but there are others, such as marginalized groups of men and hegemonic men themselves. Our focus is centered on the so-called crisis of masculinity that North American men went through in the last two decades of the twentieth century, the consequences of which have not yet been completely overcome. While from an essentialist point of view such a crisis is questionable, the political, economic and sociological reality of the Reagan’s Age made visible the downsides and pitfalls of toxic masculinity. In order to face the problems derived from the damaging nature of a construction that constrains men, three broad responses to the problem were taken: pro-feminist, anti-feminist and spiritual. Except for pro-feminists, the main reaction of these groupings consisted of victimizing themselves and of defending their essentialist supremacy—lulled by the fantasy world fostered by the “politics of symbolism” (Dallek, 1999 [1984]) of Reagan’s escapist policies. Opposing this reassuring image of the United States, the Blank Generation addressed the crisis of masculinity from a nihilist perspective. Through the analysis of American Psycho, this dissertation will illustrate the darkest side of the hegemonic model of masculinity...