9 resultados para sacrifice in ancient Greece

em Biblioteca Digital de la Universidad Católica Argentina


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Resumen: El autor declara que la concepción de la energía, tal como ha arribado a nuestro tiempo, tiene sus orígenes en la Antigua Grecia , pero la noción contemporánea de energía incluye muchas dificultades como para ser aceptada sin crítica . De hecho, los físicos y filósofos discrepan con sus alcances en el mundo natural, y, además, con su naturaleza entitativa. En este artículo se discuten las opiniones de varios fisicomatemáticos y filósofos. No obstante, e n la conclusión final se expresa la necesidad de retornar a la teoría aristotélico-tomista que identifica la energía con el acto de ser, ya de cada cosa mundana, ya de las substancias separadas, porque el acto propio de Dios, que es su misma esencia, no es nada diferente de la energía concebida como el acto puro de la metafísica de Aristóteles y de Santo Tomás de Aquino.

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Resumen: Dostoevskij atribuye a la belleza una función salvífica (“la belleza salvará al mundo”), poniéndola así en relación con el campo afectivo, salvación significa en efecto vida plena; para Matisse “Todo arte digno de tal nombre es religioso”, es decir, posee una función de “mediación-unión” entre órdenes diversos. La noción de “visión interior”, es la que mejor fundamenta estas convicciones. Ella atraviesa el tiempo y el espacio: está presente en la antigua cultura china, así como en la Grecia clásica y en la Antigüedad Tardía y permanece implícita durante todo el Medioevo; se la vuelve a encontrar en alguno de los máximos pintores modernos (Kandinsky, Chagal). Todos los testimonios de los artistas concuerdan en indicar que para alcanzarla es necesario una especie de ascesis: ésta consiste en una revelación, experimentada como un don, del Sentido oculto en lo sensible; por el hecho de dar inicio al pasaje de un nivel ontológico a otro (valencia re-ligiosa o syn-bolica) y de consistir en una experiencia de plenitud de vida, le pertenece además un efecto transformante (valencia afectiva). Esta vía propiamente humana de la “visión interior”, por la cual la apariencia (lo sensible) se vuelve trans-parencia de lo invisible, se presenta como la más adecuada al arte cristiano para el culto.

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The 30,000 km2 province of Luristan is situated in western Iran and encompasses the upper valleys of the Zagros Mountains. Even today, local tribesmen inhabit Luristan with their settlement patterns similar to ancient times. Several scientific excavations in the Luristan region have uncovered evidence that this particular region was a major attraction for human settlements from the Paleolithic era onwards. In Ancient Iran, the existence of rich mines together with discoveries made by innovative and inventive artisans spurred the growth of the metalworking culture as an art and a skill among early human communities in Ancient Iran. The art of Luristan can be described as the art of nomadic herdsmen and horsemen with an emphasis on the crafting of small, easily portable objects, among these a number of bronze daggers, swords and other weapons. Throughout its history, Luristan was never an ethnic or political entity because Luristan has been occupied by various tribes and races, throughout its history. Next to Elamites, other tribes who inhabited Luristan were the Hurrians, Lullubians, Kutians, and Kassites. As local tribesmen of Luristan were illiterate, information about their history can only be partially reconstructed from the literature of their southern neighbors: the Elamites and Babylonians. Luristan smiths made weapons for both civilizations. The region was later invaded by Assyrians and finally the Iranians settled the area and absorbed the local tribes. Following an accidental find by the local inhabitants in Luristan in 1928 CE, a number of unlawful diggings reveal a number of metal objects made of bronze and iron that showed a high level of craftsmanship. These objects were offered for sale on the art market with fancy names to hide their origin. The subsequent scientific excavations several decades after the initial discovery provided fascinating information about the culture of Luristan. The metalworking art of Luristan spans a time period from the third millennium BC to the Iron Age. The artifacts from Luristan seem to possess many unique and distinctive qualities, and are especially noteworthy for the apparently endless, intricate diversity and detail that they characteristically depict. The bronze artifacts found in or attributed to Luristan can be each be classed under five separate heads: a) arms and armor, including swords, dirks, daggers, axes, mace heads, spearheads, shields, quiver plaques, protective bronze girdles, helmets; b) implements related to horsemanship, including decorative or ornamental objects for horses as well as bits and snaffles; c) items for personal adornment and hygiene, including anklets, bangles, bracelets, finger rings, earrings and tweezers; d) ceremonial and ritual objects, including talismans, idols, pins, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines; and e) utilitarian objects comprising various vessels and tools, including beakers, bowls and jugs. The scope of this article is limited to a discussion of the bronze and iron weapons made in Luristan. The techniques used for making bronze weapons in Luristan included: casting with open molds, casting with close molds, and casting with lost wax process. For metal sheets used for quiver plaques and bronze protective belts, the hammering technique was used. Edged weapons made in Luristan can be classified into: a) daggers, dirks, and swords with tangs; b) daggers, dirks, and swords with flanges; and c) daggers, dirks, and swords with cast-on hilts. Next to bronze, iron was also used for making weapons such as the characteristic weapon from this area, the iron mask sword.

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A gray, fine-grained arkosic sandstone tablet bearing an inscription in ancient Hebrew from the First Temple Period contains a rich assemblage of particles accumulated in the covering patina. Two types of patina cover the tablet: a thin layer of black to orange iron-oxide-rich layer, a product of micro-biogenic processes, and a light beige patina that contains feldspars, carbonate, iron oxide, subangular quartz grains, carbon ash particles and gold globules (1 to 4 microns [1 micron = 0.001 millimeter] in diameter). The patina covers the rock surface as well as the engraved lettering grooves and blankets and thus post-dates the incised inscription as well as a crack that runs across the stone and several of the engraved letters. Radiocarbon analyses of the carbon particles in the patina yield a calibrated radiocarbon age of 2340 to 2150 Cal BP. The presence of microcolonial fungi and associated pitting in the patina indicates slow growth over many years. The occurrence of pure gold globules and carbon ash particles is evidence of a thermal event in close proximity to the tablet (above 1000 degrees Celsius). This study supports the antiquity of the patina, which in turn, strengthens the contention that the inscription is authentic.

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El presente ensayo propone un diálogo sobre el perdón con el pensamiento filosófico de H. Arendt y P. Ricoeur y la reflexión bíblico-teológica de C. di Sante y L. Basset. En él se articulan la necesidad del perdón en la vida cotidiana y la seriedad de un perdón “difícil” que respete la verdad y la dignidad del ofendido y del ofensor y se arriesgue a restaurar la relación personal. La novedad de Jesús, ofrecida a partir de su oración y entrega en la cruz (cf. Lc 23,34) y de su resurrección, abre la posibilidad de ir más allá de la cuenta de los males cometidos; más aún, más allá de la culpa, para acceder por amor a una vida digna de ser celebrada con los otros.

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Abstract: Fear is commonly regarded as a natural emotion in war, present as well in ancient Greek warfare. Greek literary sources occasionally emphasize the emotions connected to the contemporary experience of combat from a primarily narrative perspective. This paper will offer an introduction to the Greek notion and conceptualization of fear in the classical period and its relationship with war, intending to achieve a better understanding of its role in the literary sources and, ultimately, its relevance in Greek culture and warfare.

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Women and men are subjects defined both by their physical-natural reality and their socio-cultural environment. In this way they are reified, and many such examples can be found throughout history. We are interested in the situation of women in Ancient Mesopotamia, particularly the daughters of Zimrî-Lîm, king of the city of Mari, the archaeological site of Tell Hariri, modern Syria, during the 18th century BC. Zimrî- Lîm made marriages a policy of the state. He himself married foreign women and married their joint daughters to other important kings as well. This marital policy was another, more extended, way of dominion where women were a nexus between Mari and other states. In this paper, we will analyze the roles which were assigned and developed by royal women from a political level via a comprehensive approach. These women are presented generally as political objects, though, in extreme cases also they were taking forward actions as subjects and by it they were visualized as “the other,” the foreigner and, in some cases, the enemy.