La distruzione delle statue di Pausania nella Sparta tardoantica (Lib. Ep. 1518)

Abstract: The late antique destruction of two bronze statues of Pausanias - the Spartan general responsible for the Greek victory at the Battle of Plataea (479 BC) - housed in the temple of Athena Chalkioikos in Sparta (Lib. Ep. 1518), has been interpreted as one of the few cases of a violent conflict between pagan and Christian population in Greece. Nevertheless the sources suggest that late antique Sparta was a bastion of Hellenic paganism and give a picture of a small and quiet town ruled by a pagan educated élite, where pagans like Libanius wanted to live. Since there is no evidence of a violent conflict between pagans and Christians in Sparta, and Libanius confirms that in 365 AD all the temples and cult statues were still in place, this paper addresses the issue from a different point of view and offers a new contribution to the history of Sparta in Late Antiquity. By using literary, archaeological and epigraphic evidence the paper explores: 1) the relationship between Roman administration and Spartan élite in the IVth century AD; 2) the historical memory of Pausanias in Late Antiquity. It will be emphasized that the obscure burning of the two statues helped to remove from Sparta the memory of Pausanias - a controversial figure, misrepresented in Late Antiquity and connected to the ancient staseis in Laconia - in order to promote a positive image of Sparta as a city without conflicts and ruled by the political system of Lycurgus (eunomia). As documented by local inscriptions in praise of late Roman governors, the mythical lawgiver Lycurgus was the paradigm of the imperial governors who rebuilded the town in the IVth cent. AD. It can be assumed that while Rome, Constantinople, Antioch and Athens were troubled by political and religious violence or by seditions between different factions, Sparta aimed to revive its traditional model of civic order in the new historical context of Late Antiquity.

Un testigo directo de las tensiones religiosas en la Alejandría de los siglos IV y V D.C. : Páladas de Alejandría en la Antología Palatina

Abstract: Although he is the most prolific writer of the Greek Anthology, Palladas’ life is almost unknown. But, in spite of the limited biographical data, his work has fortunately been preserved in the GA. Because of his literary creation, the old times rewarded him with the nickname Μετέωρος, high, since the literary merits of a hundred poems of his authorship was recognized (others are discussed by critics). A dozen of them contains invaluable information about the political, religious and social situation in Alexandria immediately after the victory of the bishop Theophilus, Cyril’s predecessor and uncle, during the conflict between Christians and Gentiles, each sector backed up by an Alexandrian population segment (cfr. 9.528, 10.82, 10.85) . Resigned at times, constantly demanding, Palladas complains about the decline of the belief professed by him due to the increasing penetration of the new faith. Therefore, four epigrams record the conversion of the temple of Tyche into a tavern (9.180-183) and 10.90 seems to attack the doctrine of the Resurrection. When religion and politics go hand-in-hand, when religious conspiracies link up with palace intrigues, consequences are predictable: a man called Doroteo denounced him for his negative response to the new dogma, which caused him the loss of his teacher paid work. His annoyance was even greater with further sufferings, chiefly economic, and he had to sell his books (9.171 and 9.175) among other desperate decisions Forewarned about his radical bitterness against Church, it is just to make clear that he is not fully acquiescent with ancient gods and heroes. Thus, in 5.257 he questions Zeus’ ars amandi, in 9.377 refutes Tantalus’ possibility of thirst and hunger in Hades and 9.773 mischievously points out that Eros has been changed into a pan. The work begins with the selection, personal translation and comprehensive analysis of twenty two epigrams. Through such philological aid, we attempt to verify the frictions and the main perceptible factors in his poetic creation to justify his worldview, according to the pagan sentiment widespread in that time before the twilight already overwhelming of its ailing traditions

Archaeometric evidence for the authenticity of the Jehoash inscription tablet

A gray, fine-grained arkosic sandstone tablet bearing an inscription in ancient Hebrew from the First Temple Period contains a rich assemblage of particles accumulated in the covering patina. Two types of patina cover the tablet: a thin layer of black to orange iron-oxide-rich layer, a product of micro-biogenic processes, and a light beige patina that contains feldspars, carbonate, iron oxide, subangular quartz grains, carbon ash particles and gold globules (1 to 4 microns [1 micron = 0.001 millimeter] in diameter). The patina covers the rock surface as well as the engraved lettering grooves and blankets and thus post-dates the incised inscription as well as a crack that runs across the stone and several of the engraved letters. Radiocarbon analyses of the carbon particles in the patina yield a calibrated radiocarbon age of 2340 to 2150 Cal BP. The presence of microcolonial fungi and associated pitting in the patina indicates slow growth over many years. The occurrence of pure gold globules and carbon ash particles is evidence of a thermal event in close proximity to the tablet (above 1000 degrees Celsius). This study supports the antiquity of the patina, which in turn, strengthens the contention that the inscription is authentic.

Recently discovered Iron Age lion figurines from Jerusalem

Abstract: More than 500 Iron Age figurines were discovered in the 2005–2010 Western Wall Plaza excavations in Jerusalem.1 The excavations revealed a large building, probably of the four-room type. Many figurines were discovered in this building, others in fills below and above it, dating in general to the eighth-sixth centuries BCE. Here we focus on two heads most likely depicting lions, one of them exceptional—holding another animal in its mouth. We discuss the identification of these figurines as lions, the lion motif in a variety of media in the Southern Levant, and finally recent theories concerning lions in the Hebrew Bible and their relation to Yahweh. We suggest that the two Western Wall Plaza figurines represent lions as wild animals, in similarity to other figurines of wild animals made on occasion by Judean coroplasts.