8 resultados para Voyage

em Aquatic Commons


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The United States has managed and analyzed its marine fisheries since 1871, and since 1970 via NOAA’s National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS). As the primary directive moved from aiding fishermen in expanding their operations emphasizing conservation, the government over time recognized that management involves influencing people not fish, and has hired social scientists to complement the biologists who assess fish populations. This change has not always been smooth. We use archival documents and oral histories to trace the development of sociocultural analytic capabilities within NMFS and describe future plans for growing the program. Four points are made. First, NMFS has created the best developed social science program in NOAA. Second, established institutions change slowly; achieving the social science presence in NMFS has taken over 25 years. Third, change needs visionaries and champions with both tenacity and opportunity. Fourth, social science data collection and research helps in making fishery management decisions, but they have also been useful in evaluating the impact and helping with the recovery from Hurricane Katrina. Good work finds other uses.

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Dr. Charles M. Breder participated on the 1934 expedition of the Atlantis from Woods Hole, Massachusetts to Panama and back and kept a field diary of daily activities. The Atlantis expedition of 1934, led by Prof. A. E. Parr, was a milestone in the history of scientific discovery in the Sargasso Sea and the West Indies. Although naturalists had visited the Sargasso Sea for many years, the Atlantis voyage was the first attempt to investigate in detailed quantitative manner biological problems about this varying, intermittent ‘false’ bottom of living, floating plants and associated fauna. In addition to Dr. Breder, the party also consisted of Dr. Alexander Forbes, Harvard University and Trustee of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution (WHOI); T. S. Greenwood, WHOI hydrographer; M. D. Burkenroad, Yale University’s Bingham Laboratory, carcinology and Sargasso epizoa; M. Bishop, Peabody Museum of Natural History, Zoology Dept., collections and preparations and H. Sears, WHOI ichthyologist. The itinerary included the following waypoints: Woods Hole, the Bermudas, Turks Islands, Kingston, Colon, along the Mosquito Bank off of Nicaragua, off the north coast of Jamaica, along the south coast of Cuba, Bartlett Deep, to off the Isle of Pines, through the Yucatan Channel, off Havana, off Key West, to Miami, to New York City, and then the return to Woods Hole. During the expedition, Breder collected rare and little-known flying fish species and developed a method for hatching and growing flying fish larvae. (PDF contains 48 pages)

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This study aims to reconstruct the history of shore whaling in the southeastern United States, emphasizing statistics on the catch of right whales, Eubalaena glacialis, the preferred targets. The earliest record of whaling in North Carolina is of a proposed voyage from New York in 1667. Early settlers on the Outer Banks utilized whale strandings by trying out the blubber of carcasses that came ashore, and some whale oil was exported from the 1660s onward. New England whalemen whaled along the North Carolina coast during the 1720s, and possibly earlier. As some of the whalemen from the northern colonies moved to Nortb Carolina, a shore-based whale fishery developed. This activity apparently continued without interruption until the War of Independence in 1776, and continued or was reestablished after the war. The methods and techniques of the North Carolina shore whalers changed slowly: as late as the 1890s they used a drogue at the end of the harpoon line and refrained from staying fast to the harpooned whale, they seldom employed harpoon guns, and then only during the waning years of the fishery. The whaling season extended from late December to May, most successfully between February and May. Whalers believed they were intercepting whales migrating north along the coast. Although some whaling occurred as far north as Cape Hatteras, it centered on the outer coasts of Core, Shackleford, and Bogue banks, particularly near Cape Lookout. The capture of whales other than right whales was a rare event. The number of boat crews probably remained fairly stable during much of the 19th century, with some increase in effort in the late 1870s and early 1880s when numbers of boat crews reached 12 to 18. Then by the late 1880s and 1890s only about 6 crews were active. North Carolina whaling had become desultory by the early 1900s, and ended completely in 1917. Judging by export and tax records, some ocean-going vessels made good catches off this coast in about 1715-30, including an estimated 13 whales in 1719, 15 in one year during the early 1720s, 5-6 in a three-year period of the mid to late 1720s, 8 by one ship's crew in 1727, 17 by one group of whalers in 1728-29, and 8-9 by two boats working from Ocracoke prior to 1730. It is impossible to know how representative these fragmentary records are for the period as a whole. The Carolina coast declined in importance as a cruising ground for pelagic whalers by the 1740s or 1750s. Thereafter, shore whaling probably accounted for most of the (poorly documented) catch. Lifetime catches by individual whalemen on Shackleford Banks suggest that the average annual catch was at least one to two whales during 1830·80, perhaps about four during the late 1870s and early 1880s, and declining to about one by the late 1880s. Data are insufficient to estimate the hunting loss rate in the Outer Banks whale fishery. North Carolina is the only state south of New Jersey known to have had a long and well established shore whaling industry. Some whaling took place in Chesapeake Bay and along the coast of Virginia during the late 17th and early 18th centuries, but it is poorly documented. Most of the rigbt whales taken off South Carolina, Georgia, and northern Florida during the 19th century were killed by pelagic whalers. Florida is the only southeastern state with evidence of an aboriginal (pre-contact) whale fishery. Right whale calves may have been among the aboriginal whalers' principal targets. (PDF file contains 34 pages.)

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The first of Alexander Agassiz’ voyages on the U.S. Fish Commission steamer Albatross in 1891 yielded significant scientific results. This paper reviews the background of the voyage, including the career path that led Agassiz to the back deck of the Albatross. We also give a brief account of the life and work of Samuel Garman. Garman wrote up the ichthyological material from this Albatross voyage in a magnificent book on deep-sea fishes published in 1899. This book was exceptional in its coverage, anatomical detail, and recognition of phylogenetically important morphology.

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Charles Henry Gilbert (1859-1928) was a pioneering ichthyologist who made major contributions to the study of fishes of the American West. As chairman of the Department ofZoology at Leland Stanford Junior University in Palo Alto, Calif., during 1891-1925, Gilbert was extremely devoted to his work and showed little patience with those ofa different mindset. While serving as Naturalist-in-Charge of the U.S. Fish Commission Steamer Albatross during her exploratory expedition to the Hawaiian Islands in 1902, Gilbert engaged in an acrimonious feud with the ship's captain, Chauncey Thomas, Jr. (1850-1919), U.S.N., over what Gilbert perceived to be an inadequate effort by the captain. This essay focuses on the conflict between two strong figures, each operatingf rom different world views, and each vying for authority. Despite the difficulties these two men faced, the voyage of the Albatross in 1902 must be considered a success, as reflected by the extensive biological samples collected, the many new species of animals discovered, and the resulting publication of important scientific papers.

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The mucus surface layer of corals plays a number of integral roles in their overall health and fitness. This mucopolysaccharide coating serves as vehicle to capture food, a protective barrier against physical invasions and trauma, and serves as a medium to host a community of microorganisms distinct from the surrounding seawater. In healthy corals the associated microbial communities are known to provide antibiotics that contribute to the coral’s innate immunity and function metabolic activities such as biogeochemical cycling. Culture-dependent (Ducklow and Mitchell, 1979; Ritchie, 2006) and culture-independent methods (Rohwer, et al., 2001; Rohwer et al., 2002; Sekar et al., 2006; Hansson et al., 2009; Kellogg et al., 2009) have shown that coral mucus-associated microbial communities can change with changes in the environment and health condition of the coral. These changes may suggest that changes in the microbial associates not only reflect health status but also may assist corals in acclimating to changing environmental conditions. With the increasing availability of molecular biology tools, culture-independent methods are being used more frequently for evaluating the health of the animal host. Although culture-independent methods are able to provide more in-depth insights into the constituents of the coral surface mucus layer’s microbial community, their reliability and reproducibility rely on the initial sample collection maintaining sample integrity. In general, a sample of mucus is collected from a coral colony, either by sterile syringe or swab method (Woodley, et al., 2008), and immediately placed in a cryovial. In the case of a syringe sample, the mucus is decanted into the cryovial and the sealed tube is immediately flash-frozen in a liquid nitrogen vapor shipper (a.k.a., dry shipper). Swabs with mucus are placed in a cryovial, and the end of the swab is broken off before sealing and placing the vial in the dry shipper. The samples are then sent to a laboratory for analysis. After the initial collection and preservation of the sample, the duration of the sample voyage to a recipient laboratory is often another critical part of the sampling process, as unanticipated delays may exceed the length of time a dry shipper can remain cold, or mishandling of the shipper can cause it to exhaust prematurely. In remote areas, service by international shipping companies may be non-existent, which requires the use of an alternative preservation medium. Other methods for preserving environmental samples for microbial DNA analysis include drying on various matrices (DNA cards, swabs), or placing samples in liquid preservatives (e.g., chloroform/phenol/isoamyl alcohol, TRIzol reagent, ethanol). These methodologies eliminate the need for cold storage, however, they add expense and permitting requirements for hazardous liquid components, and the retrieval of intact microbial DNA often can be inconsistent (Dawson, et al., 1998; Rissanen et al., 2010). A method to preserve coral mucus samples without cold storage or use of hazardous solvents, while maintaining microbial DNA integrity, would be an invaluable tool for coral biologists, especially those in remote areas. Saline-saturated dimethylsulfoxide-ethylenediaminetetraacetic acid (20% DMSO-0.25M EDTA, pH 8.0), or SSDE, is a solution that has been reported to be a means of storing tissue of marine invertebrates at ambient temperatures without significant loss of nucleic acid integrity (Dawson et al., 1998, Concepcion et al., 2007). While this methodology would be a facile and inexpensive way to transport coral tissue samples, it is unclear whether the coral microbiota DNA would be adversely affected by this storage medium either by degradation of the DNA, or a bias in the DNA recovered during the extraction process created by variations in extraction efficiencies among the various community members. Tests to determine the efficacy of SSDE as an ambient temperature storage medium for coral mucus samples are presented here.

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Eyes on Their Finger Tips deals with the traditional marine wisdom of a set of people and the rarest of rare experiences they have had at sea. Through these numerous chapters he takes us into the seas of the fishers. It is a voyage which we cannot make in reality. But through the heroic deeds of his father, the riddles of oldman Sebesti, the shark story of brother Kamalappan, and the rituals of his mother, we get a fascinating peep into the wisdom of the watery world of the small-scale fishers of Trivandrum, Kerala, India.