Fisheries management in the social domain: perspectives from Tanzania's Lake Victoria fishery

For a long time, the Tanzanian Fisheries Department has managed Tanzanian fisheries without incorporating other stakeholders within its management framework. On lake Victoria, the persistent use of illegal fishing gear and declining catches have led the government to realize that this system of fisheries management may no longer be viable, and have sought to incorporate fishing communities into the management structure. Through the creation of beach management units (BMUs), the Fisheries Departments have sought to persuade fishing communities to implement and enforce Tanzania's fishing regulations and to monitor the fishery. In this paper we explore a recently gathered data set that yields information on, amongst others, how Tanzanian fishing communities perceive the state of their resource base, how they view their relationship with the Fisheries Department, the efficacy of fishing regulations and other variables. We draw on a series of criteria developed by Ostron (1990) for institutional 'robustness' to explore various areas of institutional development on Lake Victoria, and to try and anticipate how the BMUs will fare. We argue there are many socio-political and economic factors that will determine how communities will receive and perceive their responsibilities towards government-imposed administrative structures at the local level, these will become 'socialized' such that they will vary from place to place. While this may bode well for problems of heterogeneity, it does not necessarily mean that fisheries management objective on Lake Victoria will be met

Perspectives of impacts of international fish trade in Kenya

There has been tremendous growth in international trade on fish and fisheries products in the last four decades. In 1970 the value of internationally traded fish was estimated at 3 billion; this increased to US$ 15 billion in 1980, US$ 36 billion in 1990 and US$ 55 billion in 2000 (Ahmed, 2003). Recent statistics show that fish trade has surpassed other agricultural commodities that have traditionally been traded internationally such as coffee, tea, cocoa, sugar, cereals, meat, oils and milk. In 2000, fish contributed 22% of the value of all agricultural exports, making it the highest internationally traded food product (Ahmed, 2003). In another perspective, nearly 40% of the world's fish is now sold in the international market. The flow of fish in the international market is highly lopsided. About 50% of fish exportscomefromthedevelopingworld ,ofwhich 20%arefrom low-incomefood deficient countries. Most of this fish, however, is consumed by the developed countries, which account for nearly 80% of all imported fish. The EU, USA and Japan are the major importers, accounting for over 77% of global fish imports. Thus, while developing countries playa big role in fish production , they consume very little of it, instead preferring to sell for the hard currency. In some fish exporting countries, especially those in Asia, there is some link between fish exports and imports of substitute and complementary foods. Much of the increased earning from fish exports in those countries is explained by a corresponding rise in expenditure on imported foods. This is not the case in many of the fish exporter nations in Africa. In their case, fish exports generate foreign exchange that they use to meet other socio-political objectives; hardly is it aimed at solving the wider food needs. Therefore, one of the most immediate concerns of international fish trade is its impact on food security in the poor exporter nations.