Seafood safety: economics of Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Point (HACCP) programmes

Seventy percent of the world's catch of fish and fishery products is consumed as food. Fish and shellfish products represent 15.6 percent of animal protein supply and 5.6 percent of total protein supply on a worldwide basis. Developing countries account for almost 50 percent of global fish exports. Seafood-borne disease or illness outbreaks affect consumers both physically and financially, and create regulatory problems for both importing and exporting countries. Seafood safety as a commodity cannot be purchased in the marketplace and government intervenes to regulate the safety and quality of seafood. Theoretical issues and data limitations create problems in estimating what consumers will pay for seafood safety and quality. The costs and benefits of seafood safety must be considered at all levels, including the fishers, fish farmers, input suppliers to fishing, processing and trade, seafood processors, seafood distributors, consumers and government. Hazard Analysis Critical Control Point (HACCP) programmes are being implemented on a worldwide basis for seafood. Studies have been completed to estimate the cost of HACCP in various shrimp, fish and shellfish plants in the United States, and are underway for some seafood plants in the United Kingdom, Canada and Africa. Major developments within the last two decades have created a set of complex trading situations for seafood. Current events indicate that seafood safety and quality can be used as non-tariff barriers to free trade. Research priorities necessary to estimate the economic value and impacts of achieving safer seafood are outlined at the consumer, seafood production and processing, trade and government levels. An extensive list of references on the economics of seafood safety and quality is presented. (PDF contains 56 pages; captured from html.)

The Fisheries for Mangrove Cockles,Anadaraspp., from Mexico to Peru, With Descriptions of Their Habitats and Biology, the Fishermen’s Lives, and the Effects of Shrimp Farming

This paper provides the first description of the mangrove cockle, Anadara spp., fisheries throughout their Latin American range along the Pacific coast from Mexico to Peru. Two species, A. tuberculosa and A. grandis, are found over the entire range, while A. similis occurs from El Salvador to Peru. Anadara tuberculosa is by far the most abundant, while A. grandis has declined in abundance during recent decades. Anadara tuberculosa and A. similis occur in level mud sediments in mangrove swamps, comprised mostly of Rhizophora mangle, which line the main-lands and islands of lagoons, whereas A. grandis inhabits intertidal mud flats along the edges of the same mangrove swamps. All harvested cockles are sexually mature. Gametogenesis of the three species occurs year round, and juvenile cockles grow rap-idly. Cockle densities at sizes at least 16–42 mm long ranged from 7 to 24/m2 in Mexico. Macrofaunal associates of cockles include crustaceans, gastropods, and finfishes. The mangrove swamps are in nearly pristine condition in every country except Honduras, Ecuador, and Peru, where shrimp farms constructed in the 1980’s and 1990’s have destroyed some mangrove zones. In addition, Hurricane Mitch destroyed some Honduran mangrove swamps in 1998. About 15,000 fishermen, including men, women, and children, harvest the cockles. Ecuador has the largest tabulated number of fishermen, 5,055, while Peru has the fewest, 75. Colombia has a large number, perhaps exceeding that in Ecuador, but a detailed census of them has never been made. The fishermen are poor and live a meager existence; they do not earn sufficient money to purchase adequate food to allow their full health and growth potential. They travel almost daily from their villages to the harvesting areas in wooden canoes and fiberglass boats at low tide when they can walk into the mangrove swamps to harvest cockles for about 4 h. Harvest rates, which vary among countries owing to differences in cockle abundances, range from about 50 cockles/fisherman/day in El Salvador and Honduras to 500–1,000/ fisherman/day in Mexico. The fishermen return to their villages and sell the cockles to dealers, who sell them mainly whole to market outlets within their countries, but there is some exporting to adjacent countries. An important food in most countries, the cockles are eaten in seviche, raw on the half-shell, and cooked with rice. The cockles are under heavy harvesting pressure, except in Mexico, but stocks are not yet being depleted because they are harvested at sizes which have already spawned. Also some spawning stocks lie within dense mangrove stands which the fishermen cannot reach. Consumers fortunately desire the largest cockles, spurning the smallest. Cockles are important to the people, and efforts to reduce the harvests to prevent overfishing would lead to severe economic suffering in the fishing communities. Pro-grams to conserve and improve cockle habitats may be the most judicious actions to take. Preserving the mangrove swamps intact, increasing their sizes where possible, and controlling cockle predators would lead to an increase in cockle abundance and harvests. Fishes that prey on juvenile cockles might be seined along the edges of swamps before the tide rises and they swim into the swamps to feed. Transplanting mangrove seedlings to suitable areas might increase the size of those habitats. The numbers of fishermen may increase in the future, because most adults now have several children. If new fishermen are tempted to harvest small, immature cockles and stocks are not increased, minimum size rules for harvestable cockles could be implemented and enforced to ensure adequate spawning.

A review on oil sardine 2. Preservation by canning, curing and smoking

Commercial canning of oil sardine (Sardinella longiceps) in India is a relatively new procedure. Although 7 firms are engaged in canning this compares poorly with the abundance of the fish. There are often wide variations in the quality of the canned fish and important chemical and physical variations occur in the product once canned. A description of the canning process is given, and production figures compared to those of other countries. Production figures for 1965 to 1969 are given. These show that production increased from 1.2 to 1.5 million cans, but that there was a peak in 1967 when 3.2 million can s were produced. Exports of canned marine fish by country, and production of caned sardine by country from 1965 to 1970 are tabulated. The types of containers used and the feasibility of exporting canned fish are considered. Finally, the preparation of cured and smoked products is discussed briefly.

Perspectives of impacts of international fish trade in Kenya

There has been tremendous growth in international trade on fish and fisheries products in the last four decades. In 1970 the value of internationally traded fish was estimated at 3 billion; this increased to US$ 15 billion in 1980, US$ 36 billion in 1990 and US$ 55 billion in 2000 (Ahmed, 2003). Recent statistics show that fish trade has surpassed other agricultural commodities that have traditionally been traded internationally such as coffee, tea, cocoa, sugar, cereals, meat, oils and milk. In 2000, fish contributed 22% of the value of all agricultural exports, making it the highest internationally traded food product (Ahmed, 2003). In another perspective, nearly 40% of the world's fish is now sold in the international market. The flow of fish in the international market is highly lopsided. About 50% of fish exportscomefromthedevelopingworld ,ofwhich 20%arefrom low-incomefood deficient countries. Most of this fish, however, is consumed by the developed countries, which account for nearly 80% of all imported fish. The EU, USA and Japan are the major importers, accounting for over 77% of global fish imports. Thus, while developing countries playa big role in fish production , they consume very little of it, instead preferring to sell for the hard currency. In some fish exporting countries, especially those in Asia, there is some link between fish exports and imports of substitute and complementary foods. Much of the increased earning from fish exports in those countries is explained by a corresponding rise in expenditure on imported foods. This is not the case in many of the fish exporter nations in Africa. In their case, fish exports generate foreign exchange that they use to meet other socio-political objectives; hardly is it aimed at solving the wider food needs. Therefore, one of the most immediate concerns of international fish trade is its impact on food security in the poor exporter nations.