9 resultados para Diplomatie. 1730, dossier Tissier

em Aquatic Commons


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(4 p.)

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This study aims to reconstruct the history of shore whaling in the southeastern United States, emphasizing statistics on the catch of right whales, Eubalaena glacialis, the preferred targets. The earliest record of whaling in North Carolina is of a proposed voyage from New York in 1667. Early settlers on the Outer Banks utilized whale strandings by trying out the blubber of carcasses that came ashore, and some whale oil was exported from the 1660s onward. New England whalemen whaled along the North Carolina coast during the 1720s, and possibly earlier. As some of the whalemen from the northern colonies moved to Nortb Carolina, a shore-based whale fishery developed. This activity apparently continued without interruption until the War of Independence in 1776, and continued or was reestablished after the war. The methods and techniques of the North Carolina shore whalers changed slowly: as late as the 1890s they used a drogue at the end of the harpoon line and refrained from staying fast to the harpooned whale, they seldom employed harpoon guns, and then only during the waning years of the fishery. The whaling season extended from late December to May, most successfully between February and May. Whalers believed they were intercepting whales migrating north along the coast. Although some whaling occurred as far north as Cape Hatteras, it centered on the outer coasts of Core, Shackleford, and Bogue banks, particularly near Cape Lookout. The capture of whales other than right whales was a rare event. The number of boat crews probably remained fairly stable during much of the 19th century, with some increase in effort in the late 1870s and early 1880s when numbers of boat crews reached 12 to 18. Then by the late 1880s and 1890s only about 6 crews were active. North Carolina whaling had become desultory by the early 1900s, and ended completely in 1917. Judging by export and tax records, some ocean-going vessels made good catches off this coast in about 1715-30, including an estimated 13 whales in 1719, 15 in one year during the early 1720s, 5-6 in a three-year period of the mid to late 1720s, 8 by one ship's crew in 1727, 17 by one group of whalers in 1728-29, and 8-9 by two boats working from Ocracoke prior to 1730. It is impossible to know how representative these fragmentary records are for the period as a whole. The Carolina coast declined in importance as a cruising ground for pelagic whalers by the 1740s or 1750s. Thereafter, shore whaling probably accounted for most of the (poorly documented) catch. Lifetime catches by individual whalemen on Shackleford Banks suggest that the average annual catch was at least one to two whales during 1830·80, perhaps about four during the late 1870s and early 1880s, and declining to about one by the late 1880s. Data are insufficient to estimate the hunting loss rate in the Outer Banks whale fishery. North Carolina is the only state south of New Jersey known to have had a long and well established shore whaling industry. Some whaling took place in Chesapeake Bay and along the coast of Virginia during the late 17th and early 18th centuries, but it is poorly documented. Most of the rigbt whales taken off South Carolina, Georgia, and northern Florida during the 19th century were killed by pelagic whalers. Florida is the only southeastern state with evidence of an aboriginal (pre-contact) whale fishery. Right whale calves may have been among the aboriginal whalers' principal targets. (PDF file contains 34 pages.)

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As the earth’s resources continue to face increasing pressure from a variety of human and natural causes, protection of the environment and biodiversity is a matter of contemporary concern, The conservation of coastal and marine resources, in particular, has become a priority for countries around the world. In this context, marine protected areas (MPAs) are being widely promoted as one of the most effective tools for the conservation of coastal and marine resources. Most MPAs are located in coastal areas of great biodiversity, and hence their development has direct impacts on the lives and livelihoods of coastal communities, especially small-scale and traditional fishing communities. Typically, they are the ones who have to bear the costs of conservation practices–lost livelihood options, expulsion from traditional fishing grounds and living spaces, and violation of human/community rights, to name a few. The articles in this dossier, drawn chronologically from the pages of Samudra Report, the triannual publication of ICSF, draw attention to these issues. They show that conservation and livelihoods are closely intertwined, and that top-down, non-participatory models of conservation can be counter-productive. Despite being poor and powerless, fishing and coastal communities can be powerful allies in conservation efforts, given their longstanding dependence on natural resources and their traditional ecological knowledge systems. As the examples in this dossier reveal, it is possible for fishing communities to protect and conserve the environment, while continuing with sustainable fishing operations. Clearly, only an integrated approach to fisheries management and conservation will prove successful. This dossier will be useful for policymakers, social scientists, non-governmental organizations and others interested in fisheries, conservation, communities and livelihoods.

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Small-scale and artisanal fisheries contribute about two-thirds of the global fish production destined for direct human consumption. They also accommodate over 90 per cent of those who make their living from fisheries. Women comprise at least half the workforce in small-scale fisheries. Despite the important contributions made by small-scale fisheries to poverty eradication and food security, small-scale fishers and fishworkers continue to be marginalized at different levels. It is in this context that the Committee on Fisheries (COFI) of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) has developed the Voluntary Guidelines for Securing Sustainable Small-scale Fisheries in the Context of Food Security and Poverty Eradication (SSF Guidelines).

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Labels or Fables? The Myth of Sustainability examines the costs of certification of global fisheries and how it is allegedly biased towards industrial-scale fisheries. This dossier is a compilation of articles from Samudra Report dealing with the issue of ecolabelling in fisheries.

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Charles Darwin the research ship undertook an Oceanographic Cruise in 1986, CD 86/17 of the North Arabian Sea. Sediment cores were collected between 15° and 25°N. In this study sediment cores collected from deep Indus and Oman basins (CD 1715, CD 1730, CD 1738) have been analyzed for mineralogy, water content and porosity. In general, the cores are mainly composed of clay to silt sized terrigenous and biogenic constituents. Quartz, Chlorite and Illite are the common minerals of Arabian Sea sediments. Porosity determined by water content of sediments has been correlated with quartz/chlorite and quartz/illite peak ratios to show a relationship between mineral composition and physical properties.

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Charles Darwin the research ship undertook an Oceanographic Cruise in 1986, CD 86/17 of the North Arabian Sea. Sediment cores were collected between 15° and 25°N. In this study sediment cores collected from deep Indus and Oman basins (CD 1715, CD 1730, CD 1738) have been analyzed for mineralogy, water content and porosity. In general, the cores are mainly composed of clay to silt sized terrigenous and biogenic constituents. Quartz, chlorite and illite are the common minerals of Arabian Sea sediments. Porosity determined by water content of sediments has been correlated with quartz/chlorite and quartz/illite peak ratios to show a relationship between mineral composition and physical properties.