55 resultados para Spain -- Colonies -- America.


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The broad distribution of Pacific sardine (Sardinops sagax) along the Pacif ic coast of North America makes it difficult for fisheries managers to identify regional stocks of this dominant small pelagic species. An investigation of morphometric characteristics of otoliths of Pacific sardine across most of their range revealed regional differences in populations. In a survey of over 2000 otoliths, all ages (with an emphasis on age-1 recruits) were compared. Principal components analysis, multivariate analysis of variance, and a novel method derived from regression and residuals calculations, termed perimeter-weight profiles (PWPs), revealed otolith similarities and differences. The results of the different approaches to statistical comparisons did not always agree. Sardine otoliths from Mexican waters were generally lighter and more lobate than those from U.S. and Canadian populations. Age-1 otoliths from northern California in 2006–07 tended to be heavier and smoother than those from other areas, including year-class cohorts from southern California. Comparisons of age-groups and year-classes of northern California otoliths with the use of the PWP models indicated signif icant trends in year-to-year patterns. In conjunction with other established indices of population structure, otolith PWPs are a useful tool for identifying local and regional stocks of Pacific sardine and may help distinguish populations of other fish species as well.

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We examined the incidental catches of American shad (Alosa sapidissima) taken during research cruises and in commercial and recreational landings along the Pacific coast of North America during over 30 years of sampling. Shad, an introduced species, was mainly found over the shallow continental shelf, and largest catches and highest frequency of occurrences were found north of central Oregon, along the coasts of Washington and Vancouver Island, and in California around San Francisco Bay. Migrations to the north off Washington and Vancouver were seen during spring to fall, but we found no evidence for large-scale seasonal migrations to the south during the fall or winter. The average weight of shad increased in deeper water. Sizes were also larger in early years of the study. Most were caught over a wide range of sea surface temperatures (11–17°C) and bottom temperatures (6.4–8.0°C). Abundance of shad on the continental shelf north of 44°N was highly correlated with counts of shad at Bonneville Dam on the Columbia River in the same year. Counts were negatively related to average weights and also negatively correlated with the survival of hatchery coho salmon (Oncorhynchus kisutch), indicating that survival of shad is favored by warm ocean conditions. Examining the catch during research cruises and commercial and recreational landings, we concluded that American shad along the Pacific coast have adapted to the prevailing environmental conditions and undertake only moderate seasonal migrations compared with the long seasonal migrations of shad along the Atlantic coast of North America. We suggest that the large spawning populations in the Columbia River and San Francisco Bay areas explain most of the distributional features along the Pacific coast.

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This is a broad historical overview of the bay scallop, Argopecten irradians, fishery on the East and Gulf Coasts of North America (Fig. 1). For a little over a century, from about the mid 1870’s to the mid 1980’s, bay scallops supported large commercial fisheries mainly in the U.S. states of Massachusetts, New York, and North Carolina and on smaller scales in the states in between and in western Florida. In these states, the annual harvests and dollar value of bay scallops were far smaller than those of the other important commercial mollusks, the eastern oysters, Crassostrea virginica, and northern quahogs, Mercenaria mercenaria, but they were higher than those of softshell clams, Mya arenaria (Table 1). The fishery had considerable economic importance in the states’ coastal towns, because bay scallops are a high-value product and the fishery was active during the winter months when the economies in most towns were otherwise slow. The scallops also had cultural importance as a special food, an ornament owing to its pretty shell design, and an interesting biological component of

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The northern quahog, Mercenaria mercenaria, ranges along the Atlantic Coast of North America from the Canadian Maritimes to Florida, while the southern quahog, M. campechiensis, ranges mostly from Florida to southern Mexico. The northern quahog was fished by native North Americans during prehistoric periods. They used the meats as food and the shells as scrapers and as utensils. The European colonists copied the Indians treading method, and they also used short rakes for harvesting quahogs. The Indians of southern New England and Long Island, N.Y., made wampum from quahog shells, used it for ornaments and sold it to the colonists, who, in turn, traded it to other Indians for furs. During the late 1600’s, 1700’s, and 1800’s, wampum was made in small factories for eventual trading with Indians farther west for furs. The quahoging industry has provided people in many coastal communities with a means of earning a livelihood and has given consumers a tasty, wholesome food whether eaten raw, steamed, cooked in chowders, or as stuffed quahogs. More than a dozen methods and types of gear have been used in the last two centuries for harvesting quahogs. They include treading and using various types of rakes and dredges, both of which have undergone continuous improvements in design. Modern dredges are equipped with hydraulic jets and one type has an escalator to bring the quahogs continuously to the boats. In the early 1900’s, most provinces and states established regulations to conserve and maximize yields of their quahog stocks. They include a minimum size, now almost universally a 38-mm shell width, and can include gear limitations and daily quotas. The United States produces far more quahogs than either Canada or Mexico. The leading producer in Canada is Prince Edward Island. In the United States, New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island lead in quahog production in the north, while Virginia and North Carolina lead in the south. Connecticut and Florida were large producers in the 1990’s. The State of Tabasco leads in Mexican production. In the northeastern United States, the bays with large openings, and thus large exchanges of bay waters with ocean waters, have much larger stocks of quahogs and fisheries than bays with small openings and water exchanges. Quahog stocks in certified beds have been enhanced by transplanting stocks to them from stocks in uncertified waters and by planting seed grown in hatcheries, which grew in number from Massachusetts to Florida in the 1980’s and 1990’s.

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The northern quahog, Mercenaria mercenaria, ranges along the Atlantic Coast of North America from the Canadian Maritimes to Florida, while the southern quahog, M. campechiensis, ranges mostly from Florida to southern Mexico. The northern quahog was fished by native North Americans during prehistoric periods. They used the meats as food and the shells as scrapers and as utensils. The European colonists copied the Indians treading method, and they also used short rakes for harvesting quahogs. The Indians of southern New England made wampum from quahog shells, used it for ornaments and sold it to the colonists, who, in turn, traded it to other Indians for furs. During the late 1600’s, 1700’s, and 1800’s, wampum was made in small factories for eventual trading with Indians farther west for furs. The quahoging industry has provided people in many coastal communities with a means of earning a livelihood and has provided consumers with a tasty, wholesome food whether eaten raw, steamed, cooked in chowders, or as stuffed quahogs. More than a dozen methods and types of gear have been used in the last two centuries for harvesting quahogs. They include treading and using various types of rakes and dredges, both of which have undergone continuous improvements in design. Modern dredges are equipped with hydraulic jets and one type has an escalator to bring the quahogs continuously to the boats. In the early 1900’s, most provinces and states established regulations to conserve and maximize yields of their quahog stocks. They include a minimum size, now almost universally a 38-mm shell width, and can include gear limitations and daily quotas. The United States produces far more quahogs than either Canada or Mexico. The leading producer in Canada is Prince Edward Island. In the United States, New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island lead in quahog production in the north, while Virginia and North Carolina lead in the south. Connecticut and Florida were large producers in the 1990’s. The State of Campeche leads in Mexican production. In the northeastern United States, the bays with large openings, and thus large exchanges of bay waters with ocean waters, have much larger stocks of quahogs and fisheries than bays with small openings and water exchanges. Quahog stocks in certifi ed beds have been enhanced by transplanting stocks to them from stocks in uncertified waters and by planting seed grown in hatcheries, which grew in number from Massachusetts to Florida in the 1980’s and 1990’s.

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Historically, America's use and enjoyment of the oyster extend far back into prehistoric times. The Native Americans often utilized oysters, more intensively in some areas than in others, and, at least in some areas of the Caribbean and Pacific coast, the invading Spanish sought oysters as eagerly as they did gold-but for the pearls. That was the pearl oyster, Pinctada sp., and signs of its local overexploitation were recorded early in the 16th century. During the 1800's, use of the eastern oyster grew phenomenally and, for a time, it outranked beef as a source of protein in some parts of the nation. Social events grew up around it, as it became an important aspect of culture and myth. Eventually, research on the oyster began to blossom, and scientific literature on the various species likewise bloomed-to the extent that when the late Paul Galtsoff wrote his classic treatise "The American oyster Crassostrea virginica Gmelin" in 1954, he reported compiling an extensive bibliography of over 6,000 subject and author cards on oysters and related subjects which he deposited in the library of the Woods Hole Laboratory of the Bureau of Commercial Fisheries (now NMFS). That large report, volume 64 (480 pages) of the agency's Fishery Bulletin, was a bargain at $2.75, and it has been a standard reference ever since. But the research and the attendant literature have grown greatly since Galtsoff's work was published, and now that has been thoroughly updated.

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A review of the relative productivity and value of the shad fisheries of North America as reflected in recorded commercial catches. A review of reasons for the decline that are biological and socioeconomic. Factors that have been held responsible are: pollution; destruction or impairment of spawning and nursery areas; overfishing; hydroelectric and canal dams; natural fluctuations in abundance. Natural catastrophes, parasites, and predators are not considered important in causing the decrease in commercial production. Attempts to rehabilitate the fisheries by various means of stocking artificially-reared fry and pond-reared fingerling shad, appear to have failed in every instance. Introduction of shad fry on the Pacific Coast has resulted in a major fishery. The most significant program is a controlled catch management plan, operating at this time [1953] only in Maryland.

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This research focuses on the social dimensions of marine conservation, and makes an assessment of the experiences of coastal and fi shing communities with regard to the governance of MPAs in Central America, based on case studies from Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama. It examines the national contexts of the above countries in relation to the governance of MPAs. Furthermore, it analyzes the social impacts of MPAs on coastal communities by gathering the experiences and the voices of the communities and institutions involved, and reflects on how to build bridges in the search for forms and models of conservation that respect human rights and which are able to successfully integrate into local development efforts without affecting cultural and/or social patterns. To this end, this monograph looks at nine case studies across the region: in Honduras, the Islas de la Bahia-Guanaja Marine National Park, the Cayos Cochinos Marine Archipelago Natural Monument, and the Cuero and Salado Wildlife Refuge; in Nicaragua, the Chacocente Wildlife Refuge; in Costa Rica, the Guanacaste Conservation Area, the Ballena Marine National Park and the Golfo Dulce Responsible Fishing Area; and, in Panama, the Nargana Protected Area, in the Comarca de la Biosfera Guna-Yala, the Bastimentos Island Marine National Park, and Bocas del Toro.