62 resultados para Socio economic status


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Implications of the fish export trade on the people and the fisheries resource of Lake Victoria, Uganda were examined. Eight fish processing factories and ninety fishers were analyzed in terms of socio-economic characteristics of fishers and the economic characteristics of fish factories. Results indicated that industrial fish processors in Uganda are presently the main link between the artisanal fisher-folk and the overseas export markets. Their entry into the market has stabilized and expanded the fisher-folk market and average earnings. Fishers attributed improvement in incomes and living standards (76%) to positive changes in the fish market (78%) in the last 5 years (1994-1999). Ugandan fisher-folk communities are not seriously affected by the Nile perch exports (73%) because they normally have easy access to cheap fish at prices much less than urban prices and; depend mainly on alternative fish species of less export value. The price of Nile perch influences positively the price of Tilapia

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There is growing recognition that the performance of the fisheries sector depends on the communities responsible for activities within it. These communities include fishers, processors, fish mongers, traders, local leaders, fishery administrators etc. On the basis of this, characterisation and diagnostic studies were conducted in 1995 focussing on mainly the fishers and opinion leaders on the major and some minor water bodies in Uganda. The study revealed that the desire to earn income is the driving force behind the malfishing practices experienced on Uganda fisheries. The destructive fishing gears and fishing methods as responses advanced by the fishers and opinion leaders were seines and cast nets on lakes Victoria, Kyoga and Albert and to a less extent traps

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The mobile water hyacinth, which was produced in growth zones, especially Murchison Bay, was mainly exported to three sheltered storage bays (Thruston, Hannington and Waiya). Between 1996 and May 1998, the mobile form of water hyacinth occupied about 800 ha in Thruston Bay, 750 ha in Hannington Bay and 140 ha in Waiya Bay). Biological control weevils and other factors, including localised nutrient depletion, weakened the weed that was confined to the bays and it sunk around October 1998. The settling to the bottom of such huge quantities of organic matter its subsequent decomposition and the debris from this mass was likely to have environmental impacts on biotic communities (e.g. fish and invertebrate), physico-chemical conditions (water quality), and on socio-economic activities (e.g. at fish landings, water abstraction, and hydro-power generation points). Sunken water. hyacinth debris could also affect nutrient levels in the water column and lead to reduction in the content of dissolved oxygen. The changes in nutrient dynamics and oxygen levels could affect algal productivity, invertebrate composition and fish communities. Socio-economic impacts of dead sunken weed were expected from debris deposited along the shoreline especially at fish landings, water abstraction and hydropower generation points. Therefore, environmental impact assessment studies were carried out between 1998 and 2002 in selected representative zones of Lake Victoria to identify the effects of the sunken water hyacinth biomass

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A socio-economic investigation was carried out in two fishermen cooperative societies namely Purba Helatala Fishermen Co-operative Society (E-1), Barhal Fishermen Co-operative Society (E-2), under Maldah district, West Bengal to which the beels (flood plains) under study belong. A total of 132 member fishermen, which constituted the sample, were personally interviewed. The age group of the fishermen of the sample in E-1 varied between 20 and 66 years whereas in E-2 it was 22 and 61 years. All the members of the sample belonged to Scheduled Caste (SC) community. The primary occupation of all the respondents of both the beels was observed to be fishing (100%). Maximum number of illiterate respondents was observed to 56% in E-2 and 35% in E-1. It has been observed that as many as 38.3% of fishermen were having fishing experience which ranging from 16 to 20 years in E-1 whereas it was 6 - 10 years (36.1%) in E-2. Maximum number of fishermen lived in thatched houses (41.66%) in E-1 whereas in E-2 most of them lived in houses made of corrugated tin/tile shed (41.66%). As many as 41.55% of E-1 and 30.55% of E-2 used dug-out canoes for their fishing. Maximum number of fishermen used cast net with individualistic approach (100%) followed by Gill net (E-1:41.56% and E-2:55.55%). Most of the fishermen of the sample participated in fishing activities for 241 to 270 days (41.66%) in E-2 whereas it was 211 to 240 days (33.33 %) in E-1 in a year. During fishing season as many as 40.0% of the respondents of E-1 earned on an average Rs. 801.00 to Rs. 900.00 per month whereas it was Rs. 901.00 to Rs.1,000.00 (43.05%) in case of E-2. A section of fishermen of the sample borrowed money often (51.6%) E-1 whereas it was most often (27.27%) of E-2. The respondents of E-2 made regular repayment of the loan to the maximum extent (79.48%) whereas it was 57.44% in E-1. Higher fish production vis-a-vis higher income for the fishermen was observed in the beel (E2) having close characteristic.

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Surrounding Net Fishery (laila) and Bottom Long Line Fishery which operate in the coastal waters of Kalpitiya Peninsula, compete for the same fish resources, resulting in a fishery dispute between the respective fishermen. Both fisheries target demersal as well as mid pelagic fishes, such as travellys (parava), mullets (galmalu) and barracudas (ulava). As the dispute had an adverse impact on the social harmony in the fishing community of the area, a socio-economic survey was conducted to study the underlying factors and to suggest policy measures to resolve the issue. The laila fishermen were resident fishermen in the Kalpitiya Peninsula while bottom long line fishermen were migratory fishermen from Negombo and Chilaw areas in the west coast of Sri Lanka. The Kalpitiya peninsula is located in the North West coast, some 50 km away from the west coast. Although the educational level and literacy rate of the laila community was below that of the bottom long line community, the laila community was economically better off. The net economic returns from laila fishery were superior to that from bottom long line fishery. The boat owner's and crew's share per operation of laila fishery were Rs.3,736 and Rs.947 respectively. The same figures for bottom long line fishery were Rs.588 and Rs.327 respectively. The resource rent from laila fishery was Rs.5,860, however, and much higher than that for bottom long line fishery (Rs.275), showing that the laila fishery exploits the targeted fish resource at a much higher rate compared to bottom long line fishery. This situation badly affects the equitable distribution of resources between the two fishing communities and results in unequal economic gains. Based on the findings of this study, certain input/output controls are proposed to address this problem, among which is the need to increase license fee for laila fishery units to offset the higher exploitation rate of fish resources.

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Rapid biodiversity and socio-economic studies of the Gulf of Mannar were required as part of the process to propose the Sri Lankan side as a Biosphere Reserve. These included livelihoods; land use; infrastructure; biodiversity; agriculture; fisheries; archaeological and cultural significance; and development and environmental issues.