15 resultados para own equity

em Universidad Politécnica de Madrid


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Un Equity Carve Out, también conocido como escisión IPO o escisión parcial de empresas, constituye un tipo de reorganización corporativa, en la que una empresa crea una nueva filial a partir de la separación de una de sus actividades, negocios o servicios. Estas operaciones empresariales actualmente constituyen unas de las prácticas más comunes usadas por las compañías para conseguir financiación. El capital entrante por la venta de parte o la totalidad de la filial, justificará por un lado el esfuerzo invertido en el proceso y por otro abrirá nuevos caminos para la empresa recién constituida. Pero la mayor parte de estos procesos son de una complejidad elevada, tanto si se ven desde la óptica externa a la empresa, como interna. Por un lado las valoraciones bursátiles, dadas las actuales circunstancias económicas, no son las mejores. Y por otro, los proyectos de escisión tienen demasiados puntos críticos para considerarlos sencillos o mecánicos de ejecución. Este documento se centrará en dar solución a la problemática interna que afrontan las empresas una vez tomada la decisión de escindir una actividad: ¿cómo gestionar el proceso? Desde la experiencia y el conocimiento empresarial, se propone como solución: un proyecto completo, coherente y estructurado de escisión; y un PMO o responsable de proyecto, para dirigirlo. Durante todo el documento se repasarán todos y cada uno de los pasos que debe tener en consideración y llevar bajo control el PMO, para acabar el equity carve out en 5 meses. Se definirá un proyecto completo describiendo los pasos necesarios para: • Construir nueva empresa y las relaciones con su ecosistema. • Definir todas las operaciones de negocio necesarias para garantizar su operatividad. • Crear las estructuras necesarias que soporten todas las operaciones y procesos. Para ello y dentro de una planificación global, se propone el trabajo diario con todos los departamentos que tengan algún tipo de involucración en el proceso: operaciones, legal, recursos humanos, financiero, fiscal, TI, marketing y comunicación y compras. Todos estos departamentos o líneas de trabajo tendrán tareas y objetivos particulares. El documento servirá de manual, para que el PMO tenga una visión cuasi-completa de lo que hay que hacer en cada momento, con qué profesionales trabajar y con qué propósito. ---ABSTRACT---An Equity Carve Out, also named as excision or partial IPO excision of companies, is a type of corporate reorganization in which a company creates a new one from the separation of one of its activities, business or services. Currently these business operations constitute one of the most common practices used by companies to get funding. The capital that comes from the sale of part or the totality of the subsidiary, justifies the effort invested in the process on one hand, and on the other opens new perspectives for the newly formed company. But most of these processes are highly complex, whether viewed from outside the company, or from inside. On one side, stock valuations, taking into account the current economic circumstances, are not the best. And on the other side, excision projects have too many critical points to consider the projects simple or mechanical. This document is focused on resolving the internal problems faced by enterprises, once the decision of spinning off the activity is taken: how to manage the process? From the experience and business knowledge, we propose as solution: a complete, coherent and structured excision project; and a PMO or Project Officer leading it. Throughout the document, each and every step that the PMO must take into consideration will be reviewed, in order to finish the equity carve-out in 5 months. A complete project will be defined by describing the steps necessary to: • Build new business and relationships with its ecosystem. • Define all business operations necessary to ensure their operability. • Create the necessary structures that support all operations and processes. Within the Global Planning, we will propose daily work with all the departments that have some sort of involvement in the process: operations, legal, human resources, financial, taxes, IT, marketing communication and purchases. All these departments or working lines have their own tasks and goals. The document could be used as a manual for the PMO in order to have a near-complete picture of what to do anytime, with what professionals he/she would work and for what purpose.

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Force sensors are used when interaction tasks are carried out by robots in general, and by climbing robots in particular. If the mechanics and electronics systems are contained inside the own robot, the robot becomes portable without external control. Commercial force sensors cannot be used due to limited space and weight. By selecting the links material with appropriate stiffness and placing strain gauges on the structure, the own robot flexibility can be used such as force sensor. Thus, forces applied on the robot tip can be measured without additional external devices. Only gauges and small internal electronic converters are necessary. This paper illustrates the proposed algorithm to achieve these measurements. Additionally, experimental results are presented.

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Urban areas benefit from significant improvements in accessibility when a new high speed rail (HSR) project is built. These improvements, which are due mainly to a rise in efficiency, produce locational advantagesand increase the attractiveness of these cities, thereby possibly enhancing their competitivenessand economic growth. However, there may be equity issues at stake, as the main accessibility benefits are primarily concentrated in urban areas with a HSR station, whereas other locations obtain only limited benefits. HSR extensions may contribute to an increase in spatial imbalance and lead to more polarized patterns of spatial development. Procedures for assessing the spatial impacts of HSR must therefore follow a twofold approach which addresses issues of both efficiency and equity. This analysis can be made by jointly assessing both the magnitude and distribution of the accessibility improvements deriving from a HSR project. This paper describes an assessment methodology for HSR projects which follows this twofold approach. The procedure uses spatial impact analysis techniques and is based on the computation of accessibility indicators, supported by a Geographical Information System (GIS). Efficiency impacts are assessed in terms of the improvements in accessibility resulting from the HSR project, with a focus on major urban areas; and spatial equity implications are derived from changes in the distribution of accessibility values among these urban agglomerations.

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The study examines the Capital Asset Pricing Model (CAPM) for the mining sector using weekly stock returns from 27 companies traded on the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) or on the London Stock Exchange (LSE) for the period of December 2008 to December 2010. The results support the use of the CAPM for the allocation of risk to companies. Most companies involved in precious metals (particularly gold), which have a beta value less than unity (Table 1), have been actuated as shelter values during the financial crisis. Values of R2 do not shown very explanatory power of fitted models (R2 < 70 %). Estimated coefficients beta are not sufficient to determine the expected returns on securities but the results of the tests conducted on sample data for the period analysed do not appear to clearly reject the CAPM

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In recent years international investors are increasing the focus on the social consequences of their investments along with its financial returns. The microfinance sector, considered as an asset class is a relatively young concept but the microfinance industry is experiencing a tremendous growth and has a high potential for the future. Today most social responsible investments in microfinance are performed through loans or fixed income structured finance vehicles. The possibilities to invest in the equity tranche of the industry are still scarce since the number of listed microfinance institutions is reduced and the private equity investments are limited and difficult to reach for the majority of investors. In this document we present a study on the characteristics of the MFIs and we try to shed some light on this subsector of the equity assets universe that may become important in the coming future. Keywords: Microfinance institutions, Micro-credits, Financial Institutions, Equity; Stock Exchange

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One of the most important design constraints of a climbing robot is its own weight. When links or legs are used as a locomotion system they tend to be composed of special lightweight materials, or four-bars-linkage mechanisms are designed to reduce the weight with small rigidity looses. In these cases, flexibility appears and undesirable effects, such as dynamics vibrations, must be avoided at least when the robot moves at low speeds. The knowledge of the real tip position requires the computation of its compliance or stiffness matrix and the external forces applied to the structure. Gravitational forces can be estimated, but external tip forces need to be measured. This paper proposes a strain gauge system which achieves the following tasks: (i) measurement of the external tip forces, and (ii) estimation of the real tip position (including flexibility effects). The main advantages of the proposed system are: (a) the use of external force sensors is avoided, and (b) a substantial reduction of the robot weight is achieved in comparison with other external force measurement systems. The proposed method is applied to a real symmetric climbing robot and experimental results are presented.

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Purpose: The purpose of this document is to review the funding options for Microfinance Institutions (MFIs), define the size of the holdings of international investors in MFI equity and in particular the MFIs listed in stock exchanges, analyze the characteristics of these subset of the financial world and study the stock exchange evolution of some listed MFIs amid the financial crisis. Design/methodology/approach: Since academic literature on listed MFI equity is virtually inexistent, most of the information has been obtained from the World Bank, annual accounts of the listed MFIs, stock exchanges and from equity research documents. Findings and Originality/value: Microfinance Institutions share several common characteristics that make them a resilient business and the few MFIs that are listed in stock exchanges seem to have performed better in the financial crisis. Microfinance can be considered as one of the new frontiers of the expansion of the global banking industry. Practical implications: Presently, international for-profit investors have very few ways of investing in microfinance equity. Most of the equity of the MFI equity is funded locally or thanks to the local public sector. The stock exchange listing of the MFIs should drive MFIs towards a more professional management, more transparency and better governance. Social implications: Microfinance Institutions provide credit to microenterprises in poor countries that have no other alternative sources of external capital to expand its activity. If global investors could easily invest in the listed equity of the MFIs these institutions would expand its lending books and would improve its governance, part of the population living in poor areas or with lower income could ameliorate its standard of living. Originality/value: The number of Microfinance Institutions that are professionally run like commercial banks is still scarce and even more scarce are the MFI listed in public stock exchanges. Therefore the published literature on the characteristics and performance of the listed equity of the Microfinance Institutions is extremely reduced. But microfinance assets are rapidly growing and MFIs will need to list their equity in stock exchanges to sustain this expansion.

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The paper identifies the potential spatial and social impacts of a proposed road-pricing scheme for different social groups in the Madrid Metropolitan Area (MMA). We appraise the accessibility of different districts within the MMA in terms of the actual and perceived cost of using the road infrastructure ‘before’ and ‘after’ implementation of the scheme. The appraisal framework was developed using quantitative survey data and qualitative focus group discussions with residents. We then simulated user behaviours (mode and route choice) based on the empirical evidence from a travel demand model for the MMA. The results from our simulation model demonstrated that implementation of the toll on the orbital metropolitan motorways (M40, M30, for example) decreases accessibility mostly in the districts where there are no viable public transport alternatives. Our specific study finding is that the economic burden of the road-pricing scheme particularly affects unskilled and lower income individuals living in the south of the MMA. The focus groups confirmed that low income drivers in the south part of the MMA would reduce their use of tolled roads and have to find new arrangements for these trips: i.e. switch to public transport, spend double the time travelling or stay at home. More generally, our research finds that European transport planners are still a long way from recognising the social equity implications of their policy decisions and that more thorough social appraisals are needed to avoid the social exclusion of low income populations when road tolling is proposed.

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This study investigates the effect of price and travel mode fairness and spatial equity in transit provision on the perceived transit service quality, willingness to pay, and habitual frequency of use. Based on the theory of planned behavior, we developed a web-based questionnaire for revealed preferences data collection. The survey was administered among young people in Copenhagen and Lisbon to explore the transit perceptions and use under different economic and transit provision conditions. The survey yielded 499 questionnaires, analyzed by means of structural equation models. Results show that higher perceived fairness relates positively to higher perceived quality of transit service and higher perceived ease of paying for transit use. Higher perceived spatial equity in service provision is associated with higher perceived service quality. Higher perceived service quality relates to higher perceived ease of payment, which links to higher frequency of transit use.

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Is it profitable for an investor, from a risk-return perspective, to acquire a stake in a quoted company when a capital increase is announced? This paper analyses the return obtained from the investment in equity issues with cash contribution and pre-emptive rights, aimed at funding corporate activities: acquisitions, investments in new facilities and/or strengthening the balance sheet of the companies undertaking the equity issue. During the 16 years covered by the study, the results show a negative average excess risk-adjusted return of almost 5%, from the moment that the equity offer is announced until the completion of the preferential subscription period. To obtain this excess return, the difference between the nominal Internal Rate of Return (IRR) and the expected return, using the CAPM, is computed for each equity issue. The intention behind this method is to eliminate the effects of time and any other possible effect on the stock price during the period of the analysis.The results from this article are consistent with the Pecking Order theory for the Spanish Stock Market also six months after the preferential subscription period. However, there is a positive return after three months.

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The paper explores the spatial and social impacts arising from implementation of a road-pricing scheme in the Madrid Metropolitan Area (MMA). Our analytical focus is on understanding the effects of the scheme on the transport accessibility of different social groups within the MMA. We define an evaluation framework to appraise the accessibility of different districts within the MMA in terms of the actual and perceived cost of using the road infrastructure "before" and "after" the implementation of the scheme. The framework was developed using quantitative survey data and qualitative data from focus group discussions with residents. We then simulated user behaviors (mode and route choice) based on the empirical evidence from a travel demand model for the MMA. The results from our simulation model demonstrated that implementation of the toll on the orbital metropolitan motorways (M40, M30, for example) decreases accessibility, mostly in the districts where there are no viable public transport alternatives. Our key finding is that the economic burden of the road-pricing scheme particularly affects unskilled and lower income individuals living in the south of the MMA. Consequently lower income people reduce their use of tolled roads and have to find new arrangements for these trips: i.e. switch to the public transport, spend double the time for their commuter trips or stay at home. The results of our research could be applicable more widely for anyone wishing to better understand the important relationship between increased transport cost and social equity, especially where there is an intention to introduce similar road-pricing schemes within the urban context.

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There exist different ways for defining a welfare function. Traditionally, welfare economic theory foundation is based on the Net Present Value (NPV) calculation where the time dependent preferences of considered agents are taken into account. However, the time preferences, remains a controversial subject. Currently, the traditional approach employs a unique discount rate for various agents. Nevertheless, this way of discounting appears inconsistent with sustainable development. New research work suggests that the discount rate may not be a homogeneous value. The discount rates may change following the individual’s preferences. A significant body of evidence suggests that people do not behave following a constant discount rate. In fact, UK Government has quickly recognized the power of the arguments for time-varying rates, as it has done in its official guidance to Ministries on the appraisal of investments and policies. Other authors deal with not just time preference but with uncertainty about future income (precautionary saving). In a situation in which economic growth rates are similar across time periods, the rationale for declining social optimal discount rates is driven by the preferences of the individuals in the economy, rather than expectations of growth. However, these approaches have been mainly focused on long-term policies where intergenerational risks may appear. The traditional cost-benefit analysis (CBA) uses a unique discount rate derived from market interest rates or investment rates of return for discounting the costs and benefits of all social agents included in the CBA. However, recent literature showed that a more adequate measure of social benefit is possible by using different discount rates including inter-temporal preferences rate of users, private investment discount rate and intertemporal preferences rate of government. Actually, the costs of opportunity may differ amongst individuals, firms, governments, or society in general, as do the returns on savings. In general, the firms or operators require an investment rate linked to the current return on savings, while the discount rate of consumers-users depends on their time preferences with respect of the current and the future consumption, as well as society can take into account the intergenerational well-being, adopting a lower discount rate for today’s generation. Time discount rate of social actors (users, operators, government and society) places a lower value in a future gain, but the uncertainty about future income strongly determines the individual preferences. These time and uncertainty depends on preferences and should be integrated into a transport policy formulation that may have significant social impacts. The discount rate of a user cannot be the same than the operator’s discount rate. The preferences of both are different. In addition, another school of thought suggests that people, such as a social group, may have different attitudes towards future costs and benefits. Particularly, the users have different discount rates related to their income. Some research work tried to modify user discount rates using a compensating weight which represents the inverse of household income level. The inter-temporal preferences are a proxy of the willingness to pay during the time. Its consideration is important in order to make acceptable or not a policy or investment

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The analysis addresses the issue of transport equity and explores three different approaches to equity in transport: utilitarianism, sufficientarianism and prioritarianism. Each approach calls for a different treatment of the benefits reaped by different population groups in the assessment of transport investments or policies. In utilitarianism, which underlies much of the current practice of transport project appraisal, all benefits receive the same weight, irrespective of the recipient of the benefits. In both sufficientarianism and prioritarianism, benefits are weighed in distinct ways, depending on the characteristics of the recipients. The three approaches are illustrated using a fictive case study, in which three different transport investment are assessed and compared to each other. Finally, the assessment of transport investments will be explored using the cost-effectiveness analysis (CEA). The CEA assesses the distributional effects of transport investments for utilitarism, sufficientarism and prioritarism approaches and addresses distinct needs associated with different population groups in respect to their transport

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This study investigates the effect of price and travel time fairness and spatial equity in transit provision on the perceived transit service quality, willingness to pay, and habitual frequency of use. Based on the theory of planned behavior, we developed a web-based questionnaire for revealed preferences data collection. The survey was administered among young people in Copenhagen and Lisbon to explore the transit perceptions and use under different economic and transit provision conditions. The survey yielded 499 questionnaires, analyzed by means of structural equation models. Results show that higher perceived fairness relates positively to higher perceived quality of transit service and higher perceived ease of paying for transit use. Higher perceived spatial equity in service provision is associated with higher perceived service quality. Higher perceived service quality relates to higher perceived ease of payment, which links to higher frequency of transit use.

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El Anillo Verde metropolitano, definido por el Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid en 1963 siguiendo los modelos planteados por la cultura urbanística internacional, como armadura de la estructura urbana del AMM, espacio protagonista dentro del sistema de espacios libres, lugar de uso público destinado al recreo y contacto con la naturaleza de la población madrileña, se convierte en realidad en una reserva de suelo que va entrando en juego motivado por las alianzas entre el poder institucional y la clase social dominante actuando al margen del planeamiento, poniendo en evidencia la escasez de recursos legales y culturales disponibles para la salvaguarda de los intereses comunes y, donde los condicionantes geográficos y naturales del territorio madrileño han influido decisivamente en la especialización funcional y espacial del Área Metropolitana de Madrid. Así pues considerando esta idea como HIPÓTESIS, el objetivo de la TESIS sería demostrarla, para lo cual se hace necesario primero, acotar espacial y temporalmente el objeto de estudio, es decir, del Anillo Verde metropolitano1, segundo, contextualizar histórica y disciplinarmente los presupuestos teóricos que conformaban la idea del Anillo Verde, tercero, reconocer, localizar y documentar las piezas que han ido materializando la ocupación urbana del Anillo Verde, clasificándolas según parámetros temporales, funcionales, urbanísticos y, formales, lo que permite analizar la geografía, uso, instrumentación y forma de su transformación a escala general metropolitana y, cuarto, profundizar a modo de comprobación a escala municipal y urbana en dos escenarios representativos del conjunto metropolitano: el municipio de Pozuelo de Alarcón y el distrito de Hortaleza-Barajas. El contenido del documento se divide en tres bloques, el bloque I, se centra en las bases teóricas, el bloque II sitúa el hilo argumental de la tesis a escala metropolitana y el bloque III comprueba el fenómeno a escala municipal y urbana. De esta forma, se comienza por la comprensión del significado del concepto del Anillo Verde, que va más allá de la dimensión instrumental asignada de límite y contención urbana frente al crecimiento de la ciudad industrial de principios del siglo XX, basada en la descentralización de la ciudad tradicional, para adquirir un significado más complejo, como gran espacio de reserva y salvaguarda de valores naturales y culturales que se expresaban en su territorio y que permitirían alcanzar el equilibrio entre la ciudad y sus habitantes, es decir, entre el hombre y el espacio que habita. Se hace un recorrido por las principales corrientes urbanísticas que se van nutriendo de distintas disciplinas (economía, sociología, geografía, biología, ecología) para plantear teorías que permitieran materializar un nuevo orden urbano según principios de equidad social, económica y ambiental, en una secuencia donde Europa y Estados Unidos realizaban un constante intercambio -el movimiento de la Ciudad Jardín o el Regionalismo, que dieron paso a propuestas como el Greater London o el Gran Berlín, donde la figura del Anillo Verde tenía un papel protagonista, y del que también participaría nuestro país y la ciudad de Madrid, con modelos regionales como el Plan Besteiro y urbanos como el Plan Bidagor, antecedentes directos del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid de 1963 que pone en marcha la ordenación del crecimiento metropolitano de Madrid. El hilo argumental de la tesis se organiza en una doble aproximación: un acercamiento a escala metropolitana a partir del reconocimiento del modelo de ciudad definido en los distintos planes generales que acompañaron el desarrollo metropolitano (municipio de Madrid y de los siete términos municipales que rodeaban a este y que tenían suelo destinado a Anillo Verde), haciendo referencia además a las relaciones con el planeamiento regional, concretando en una escala de aproximación municipal que avanza hasta la interpretación urbana detallada. El primer acercamiento tiene lugar en el bloque II y se organiza en tres capítulos. El capítulo 4 se dedica al punto obligado de partida de la geografía local, describiendo las características biofísicas de los terrenos que formaban parte del Anillo Verde, que han marcado históricamente la forma de aprovechamiento del territorio, desde las extensiones de bosques mediterráneos al norte y al oeste continuación del Monte del Pardo, a los distintos tipos de cultivo que se adaptaban al sustrato geológico y la forma del terreno (de las suaves ondulaciones de sedimentos arcósicos al norte a las extensas plataformas arenosas y yesíferas del sur), además de las zonas de huertos aprovechando las depresiones y los cursos de agua (arroyo del Monte Carmelo, arroyo de Valdebebas, arroyo del Quinto, arroyo del Santo, arroyo Butarque, arroyo Meaques y arroyo Pozuelo). Una vez reconocida la realidad física, el capítulo 5, avanza en la descripción de los distintos modelos de ciudad propuestos desde el planeamiento urbanístico, en sus distintas escalas, la regional y la municipal, como respuesta a la coyuntura social, económica y política que ha caracterizado el proceso de ocupación del Anillo Verde al compás de la construcción del AMM. Se han reunido las propuestas de planeamiento municipal de los distintos municipios que disponían de terreno calificado como Anillo Verde: Madrid, Coslada, Getafe, Leganés, Alcorcón, Boadilla del Monte y Pozuelo de Alarcón. Además se han incorporado las distintas propuestas de ordenación territorial que han servido de referencia al planeamiento municipal, en todas sus versiones, desde las sectoriales, de mayor éxito y apoyo institucional, a los distintos intentos de ordenación integral, de mayor complejidad pero de menor calado, precisamente por la dificultad de consenso entre la ordenación física y el desarrollo económico, entre los intereses privados y el beneficio público. El primer horizonte, comienza con la formulación del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid de 1963, su desarrollo y la puesta en marcha de los primeros planes municipales en la década de los años setenta, donde se comprueba la necesidad de un marco regional que “ordene” el territorio de forma integral y sirva de referencia a las actuaciones sectoriales que habían marcado el primer desarrollo metropolitano. El segundo, se sitúa dos décadas más tarde con la aprobación del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana de Madrid de 1985 y el conjunto de planes municipales de los términos limítrofes, que siguen su filosofía de austeridad en cuanto a crecimiento territorial. El tercero se inicia en 1997 con la siguiente generación de planes de corte neoliberal que imponen un modelo territorial basado en las grandes operaciones metropolitanas de centralidad, infraestructuras y equipamiento, que consumen de forma indiscriminada la totalidad del territorio madrileño. Será en el último capítulo del segundo bloque (capítulo 6) donde se represente gráficamente a escala metropolitana y se analicen las 229 piezas que han ido colmatando el espacio destinado a Anillo Verde, según los parámetros de estudio, en base a las cuales se plantean las primeras conclusiones generales de la tesis, poniendo de manifiesto que las alianzas entre los agentes soberanos en la construcción de la ciudad y su entorno han trasgredido sucesivamente las determinaciones del Planeamiento en su definición de modelo de ciudad y territorio, acusando la carencia de recursos instrumentales y jurídicos que alentaron el proceso de su desmantelamiento, y revelando la influencia de los condicionantes geográficos y naturales en la especialización funcional y segregación social en el conjunto del Área Metropolitana de Madrid. Se remata el discurso metropolitano con una batería de conclusiones que interpretan el fenómeno de ocupación del anillo de verdor metropolitano confirmando las hipótesis iniciales, reconociendo los valores medioambientales y culturales trasgredidos, sus diversos actores, las numerosas operaciones urbanísticas desarrolladas con distintos usos y envergadura, así como los instrumentos de planeamiento utilizados, en base a las cuales se materializa la construcción del AMM según un modelo extendido (spread), dibujando una mancha de aceite (o grase-spots según Geddes) que precisamente había querido evitarse desde el planeamiento urbanístico con la definición de un Anillo Verde, espacio inmune a la edificación, que se aleja de su papel estructurante (equilibrador entre la ciudad y sus habitantes) para convertirse en armadura de la estructura comunicativa, que una vez consolidada se convierte en la mejor aliada de la máquina inmobiliaria. El último paso, se desarrolla en el bloque III que se divide en los capítulo 7,8 y 9 y supone la comprobación de lo descrito en el conjunto de escala metropolitana, en dos aspectos fundamentales, la falta de consideración por los valores culturales y medioambientales que han modelado el territorio, imprimiéndole un carácter singular y específico y, la estructura del dominio del suelo, donde se reconoce de forma precisa el grupo social y los agentes encargados en cada momento de comercializar los suelos del anillo, que bajo el paraguas de la urgencia social y el engañoso beneficio popular, obtienen importantes beneficios económicos. Con esa intención, se da un salto hacia la escala municipal y urbana, seleccionando dos escenarios de estudio, el municipio de Pozuelo de Alarcón, que representa la materialización del crecimiento suburbano de la élite madrileña ocupando las zonas de mayor valor ecológico del anillo, y el distrito de Hortaleza-Barajas que ofrece su territorio a las grandes operaciones metropolitanas, apoyándose en el eje de actividad marcado por la conexión Madrid-Barcelona y el sistema aeroportuario de escala global, ambos situados al norte de la línea de borde entre la Sierra y la Mancha, ocupando por tanto los lugares más valiosos de la geografía madrileña (estructura funcional anticipada por Bidagor en 1946 en su modelo de ciudad adaptada al territorio madrileño) Una vez descrito este proceso trasgresor de límites, de normas, de conductas, y desde una perspectiva del fenómeno suficientemente documentada, en el capítulo 10, se realiza una reflexión sobre la incidencia real de la propuesta urbanística del Anillo Verde en la construcción del AMM, de la misma forma que se sugieren nuevos roles al planeamiento en un formato intencionado de largo recorrido en oposición a lo inmediato y circunstancial, que permita hacer una nueva lectura de los presupuestos teóricos que conformaban la idea del Anillo Verde, espacio articulador (medioambiental, social y cultural) del territorio madrileño. ABSTRACT The Metropolitan Greenbelt was defined by the 1963 Master Plan for the Madrid Metropolitan Area (MMA), following established international models of urban development, as the structural framework of the MMA, the principal open space within its network of open spaces and a public area of recreation and contact with nature for the residents of Madrid. In reality, however, it ha become a reserve of land in which various alliances between the institutional authorities and the dominant social class have been operating on the margin of the original plan, exposing a scarcity of legal and cultural resources for the safeguarding of common interests, and in which the geographical and natural characteristics of the territory itself have come to play an influential role in the functional specialization and spatial segregation of the MMA. With that idea as its HYPOTHESIS, the aim of this THESIS is to demonstrate its reality. The first step in this is to delineate, temporally and spatially, the object of study; i.e. the Metropolitan Greenbelt2. The second is to contextualize historically and disciplinarily those theoretical ideas which conform to the greenbelt concept. The third is to acknowledge, locate and document the elements which have characterized the urban occupation of the Greenbelt and classify these according to the parameters of time, function, urban development and form, which in turn would enable the geography, use, instrumentation and form of its transformation to be analysed on a general metropolitan scale. The fourth step, as a method of verification, is an in-depth analysis of two representative settings within the metropolitan network: the municipality of Pozuelo de Alarcón and the Hortaleza-Barajas district. The content of the document is divided into three parts. Part I focuses on the study’s theoretical foundations, Part II establishes a line of argument at the metropolitan level and Part III examines the phenomenon from a municipal and urban perspective. The thesis, then, begins with a study of the greenbelt concept itself and its meaning, which is far more complex than the accepted instrumental dimension of limiting and containing urbanization in response to the growth of the industrial city of the early 20th century, and which is based on a decentralization of the traditional city. This wider purpose is the setting aside of a large reserved space to safeguard the natural and cultural values of the region and thereby achieve a balance between the city and its residents; that is to say, between man and the space he inhabits. The principal currents of thought in urban planning will then be examined. These have drawn upon a variety of disciplines (economics, sociology, geography, biology, ecology) to develop theories for establishing a new urban order according to the principles of social, economic and environmental equity, and have involved a constant interchange between Europe and the United States. Thus, the City Garden and Regionalist movements would clear the way for proposals such as Greater London and Great Berlin, Chicago and Washington, in which the greenbelt would play a fundamental role. The participation of our own country and the city of Madrid is also discussed, through regional models such as the Besteiro Plan and urban ones like the Bidagor Plan, direct forerunners of 1963’s General Organizational Plan for the Madrid Metropolitan Area, which would set into motion the organization of Madrid’s metropolitan growth. The line of argument followed in this thesis is two-fold: first, an examination of metropolitan development in keeping with the city model as defined in the various General Plans for the development of both the municipality of Madrid and the seven surrounding municipalities which have land designated for its Greenbelt; and second, an examination of this growth in relation to Regional Planning measures, is detailed on a smaller scale (municipal and district), where the conditioning factors affecting the land property structure and the network of biophysical units may be analysed in depth. The first of these is dealt with in Part II and organized into three chapters (4, 5 and 6). Chapter 4 is dedicated to the obligatory starting point of the geographical setting itself. The biophysical characteristics of the territories set aside for the Greenbelt, and which historically have played a role in the area’s exploitation, are described here. These range from expanses of Mediterranean woodland to the north and west of Monte del Pardo to the various types of farmland that have been adapted to the geological substratum and the contours of the terrain (gentle undulations of arkosic sediment in the north, and wide sandy and gypsiferous tableland in the south), as well as orchards planted in low valleys and along watercourses (the creeks of Monte Carmelo, Valdebebas, Quinto, Santo, Butarque, Meaques and Pozuelo). Once this physical reality ha been detailed, in Chapter 5 will examine the various city models proposed by urban planners, both regionally and municipally, in response to the confluence of social, economic and political interests that have characterized the process of occupation in the Greenbelt area during the construction of the MMA. Municipal planning proposals will be collected and examined for the various municipalities which have land designated for the Greenbelt: Madrid, Coslada, Getafe, Leganés, Alcorcón, Boadilla del Monte and Pozuelo de Alarcón. Furthermore, the various territorial organization proposals which have served as references for municipal planning will also be addressed here, in all of their versions –from the sectorial, which have met with more success and institutional approval, to the many attempts at integration, which have been more complex but less influential, precisely for the difficulty of reconciling physical organization with economic development, and private interest with public benefit. The first period in this process was the development of the General Plan of 1963, followed by the first municipal development plans of the 1970s, in which the need for a regional framework that “organized” the territory in an integral fashion was defined. This would serve as a reference for the sectorial actions that marked the metropolitan area’s initial development. The second came two decades later with the approval of the General Plan of 1985, and the network of municipal plans for the surrounding communities, which followed the same philosophy of austerity with regard to territorial growth. The third would begin to take form in 1997, as a new generation of neo-liberal development plans imposed a territorial model based on centralized large-scale metropolitan operations of infrastructure and equipment, which would indiscriminately consume the totality of Madrid’s land. At the end of the Part II, in Chapter 6, the metropolitan area will be represented graphically and the 229 pieces that have been gradually encroaching upon land designated for the Greenbelt will be analysed. This analysis will be carried out according to the parameters defined for the study, and the first general conclusions of the thesis will be based on its findings. It will show how alliances between the various governing authorities in the construction of the city and its environment have successively violated established plans with regard to the definitions of city and territory, how shortages of instrumental and judicial resources have accentuated the dismantling process, and how natural and geographical factors have influenced functional specialization and social segregation in the Madrid Metropolitan Area. The final step, detailed in Part III, will address two fundamental aspects of what has just been described: the lack of consideration for the cultural and environmental values which have shaped this territory and imprinted upon it a specific and unique character; and the structure of land domination, with a precise identification of the social group and agents responsible at each stage of the Greenbelt’s commercialization, who, under an umbrella of social urgency and deceptive public benefit, have used it to obtain substantial financial rewards. For this purpose, a closer look is taken at two specific areas: the municipality of Pozuelo de Alarcón, representative of the suburban growth of an elite population which has occupied the Greenbelt areas of the greatest ecological value; and the Hortaleza-Barajas district, which has offered its territory to large metropolitan business interests, based on activities centred on the connection between Madrid and Barcelona and the system of international air travel. Both of these settings are located to the north of the line which divides the Sierra from La Mancha, and thus occupy the most valuable land in the Madrid region (a functional structure anticipated by Bidagor in 1946, with his city model adapted to the territory of Madrid). Finally, an attempt will be made to interpret the phenomenon of metropolitan Greenbelt occupation, confirming initial hypotheses, specifying the environmental and cultural values that have been violated, and identifying the various players involved, as well as numerous urbanization operations of varying sizes and interests, and the instruments of planning they have used. It will be seen from this that the construction of the MMA has in fact followed a “spread” model, a “grease spot” (as Geddes calls it) which, from the outset of the planning process and according to the definition of a greenbelt as a construction-free zone, was precisely to be avoided. This structural role (to provide a balance between a city and its residents) has thus been abandoned and the Greenbelt converted instead into a communicative framework which, once consolidated, has become the greatest ally of the real estate machine. After this process of violating limits, norms and established behaviour has been described and solidly documented, a reflection will be made on the real influence of the Greenbelt proposal in the construction of the MMA. At the same time, new roles will be suggested for future planning, roles which are deliberate and long term, in opposition to the immediate and circumstantial. This will enable a new interpretation of the theoretical principles behind the greenbelt concept, a space designed to connect the territory of Madrid environmentally, socially and culturally.