Le Corbusier y el proyecto para Saint Marie de la Tourette: De la celda al espacio inefable

El convento de la Tourette se concibe en un marco temporal concreto. Sin embargo sería erróneo limitarse a él a la hora de intentar desentrañar las claves del proyecto y llegar a un entendimiento completo del mismo. Es necesario analizarlo atendiendo al conjunto global de la producción del arquitecto, la cual ha ido forjando una forma propia de hacer que condicionará en gran medida las decisiones tomadas en cada momento. Esta tesis realiza una investigación de doble sentido (recogida en los dos volúmenes que la componen). Por un lado analiza el proceso evolutivo en el que se enhebra la obra intentando desentrañar la influencia de aquel en ésta, pero por otro, invirtiendo el sentido, también desvela ciertas claves de la arquitectura de Le Corbusier a través del preciso análisis de proyecto de la Tourette. Pero aún más, la pertenencia del convento de la Tourette al “tipo monacal” introduce la presencia de un tiempo histórico “ab origine, in hillo tempore” del que la investigación se hace eco. Un tiempo al que Le Corbusier siempre volverá la mirada, y que en este caso se encuentra muy presente, determinando el devenir del proyecto de una forma particular y definitiva. Por tanto este trabajo pretende convocar los dos tiempos que conviven en el proyecto del convento de la Tourette, el corto, concreto y cerrado de su génesis y desarrollo, que se circunscribe al periodo de proyecto comprendido entre los años 1953 y 1956, y el más dilatado, abstracto y abierto, que enlaza el proyecto con la producción de Le Corbusier, y aún más atrás, con el tiempo histórico. En la primera parte del trabajo (A. “PROYECTO”) se realiza un análisis cronológico de la documentación gráfica ‐incluyendo su re‐dibujo‐ y escrita del proyecto, desde los croquis que el arquitecto esboza en su primera visita al valle del Turdine hasta el documento final del project d’exécution, a partir del cual se materializará la obra. El objetivo de la investigación no es describir la realidad construida, sino participar del secreto de su génesis analizando y intentando comprender los dibujos o el pensamiento de sus creadores. Frente a la multitud de escritos sobre la obra del convento de la Tourette el foco de atención de la tesis se centra en el proyecto. Es en esta fase de elaboración y desarrollo de las ideas, previa a la acción de construir, donde pensamos que La deriva de la propia actividad del arquitecto avala esta decisión. A lo largo de su carrera Le Corbusier va reduciendo progresivamente su presencia en la obra centrándose cada vez más en las fases de la concepción y proyecto arquitectónico. Considera que en ellas se produce lo “esencial” mientras que deja las decisiones de obra en manos de sus colaboradores y de los diversos “operadores”, participando tan solo en el visto bueno final de las mismas (esta posición contrasta con la entrega de los constructores para quienes el arquitecto encarna la innovación tecnológica). En la Tourette realiza exclusivamente tres visitas de obra en las que actúa como un mero escenógrafo, ajustando aquí y allá pequeñas decisiones de la construcción. Esta distancia refuerza su posición en el proceso y subraya su búsqueda de un ideal teórico desarrollado sobre todo en la fase de proyecto frente a lo subsidiario de la realidad práctica. En la segunda parte de la tesis, denominada “RE‐VISIONES”, se abre el campo de acción a otras facetas de la ingente actividad de Le Corbusier como la pintura, la escritura o incluso la escultura; una nueva MIRADA bajo el prisma de una serie de conceptos‐llave recurrentes en su Petit vocabulaire (l’homme, la céllule, la bôite, l’organisme). Se amplía, por tanto, el marco temporal, repasando de modo genérico y transversal la evolución de los mismos en la trayectoria del arquitecto, comprobándose como el convento de la Tourette es un eslabón característico y clave en todos ellos. ABSTRACT The Convent of La Tourette is conceived in a specific time frame. However, it would be erroneous to limit oneself simply to this when trying to unravel the keys to the project and to fully understand it. It is necessary to analyse the project attending to the entire production of the architect, who progressively shaped his own way of doing things which would condition to a large extent the decisions taken at each point in time. This thesis carries out its research in a dual sense (brought together in both its volumes). On the one hand, it analyses the development process threading the work attempting to fathom the influence of the former on the latter but, on the other hand, inverting the sense which also reveals certain keys to the architecture of Le Corbusier by means of a detailed analysis of the project for La Tourette. Even more so, the Convent of La Tourette belonging to the “monastic type” introduces the presence of a historical period “ab origine, in hillo tempore" reflected in the research. A period to which Le Corbusier would always look back on and which is extremely present in this case, determining the evolution of the project in a particular and definitive manner. Therefore, this piece of work attempts to bring together both time periods co‐existing in the project for the Convent of La Tourette, the short, specific and closed one regarding its genesis development, encompassing the project period going from 1953 to 1956, and the broader, more abstract and open one linking the project with the production by Le Corbusier, and even further back, with the historical period. The first part of this work (A. “PROJECT") performs a chronological analysis of the graphic – including its re‐drawing –and written documentation of the project, from the outlines the architect sketched in his first visit to the Turdine valley up to the final document of the project d’exécution from which the works would materialise. The main object of the investigation is not intend to describe the reality constructed, but to participate in the secret of its genesis, analysing and trying to understand the drawings or the thoughts of its creators. As opposed to the many writings on the work of the Convent of La Tourette, the attention of this thesis focusses on the project. It is in this preparation and development stage, previous to the construction action, where it is believed the real keys to understand and explain it lie. The enormous work collecting, ordering and analysing the abundant graphic and written information reveals “a multidirectional process, full of regrets and securities, errors and certainties, leaps backwards and tremendous foresight in the process” directed not only by the conditions of the assignment, but also by the way of doing things of Le Corbusier and his collaborator I. Xenakis. A web of hidden relationships is weaved in this open space of the process, often distant in time, allowing us to draw a new route, not only towards the constructed works of the Convent of La Tourette, but towards understanding his entire production. It is in the creation of this new path of knowledge, and not only in its conclusion, where the “thesis” acquires its true meaning. In second place, the drift in the actual activity of the architect backs this decision. Throughout his career, Le Corbusier progressively reduced his presence on site, focussing more and more on the conception and architectural project stages. He considered that which was “essential” took place in these, while leaving the on‐site decisions to his collaborators and the different “operators”, only participating in their final approval (this position is in contrast with the delivery by the constructors for whom the architect embodies the technological innovation). In La Tourette he exclusively made three on‐site visits, in which acted as a pure stage designer, adjusting small construction decisions here and there. This distance reinforces his position in the process and underlines his search for a theoretical ideal developed primarily in the project stage as opposed to that which is secondary of the practical reality. The second part of the thesis, called “RE‐VISIONS”, widens the scope of action to other aspects of the huge activity by Le Corbusier, encompassing painting, writing or even sculpture; a new VIEW under the prism of a series of recurrent key concepts in his Petit vocabulaire (l’homme, la céllule, la bôite, l’organisme). The time frame is therefore extended, revising in a generic and transversal manner the development of these concepts throughout the career of Le Corbusier, confirming how the Convent of La Tourette is a characteristic and key link to each of them.

New Technique for Static Target Detection in Dense-Multipath Urban Environments

Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) images a target region reflectivity function in the multi-dimensional spatial domain of range and cross-range with a finer azimuth resolution than the one provided by any on-board real antenna. Conventional SAR techniques assume a single reflection of transmitted waveforms from targets. Nevertheless, new uses of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) for civilian-security applications force SAR systems to work in much more complex scenes such as urban environments. Consequently, multiple-bounce returns are additionally superposed to direct-scatter echoes. They are known as ghost images, since they obscure true target image and lead to poor resolution. All this may involve a significant problem in applications related to surveillance and security. In this work, an innovative multipath mitigation technique is presented in which Time Reversal (TR) concept is applied to SAR images when the target is concealed in clutter, leading to TR-SAR technique. This way, the effect of multipath is considerably reduced ?or even removed?, recovering the lost resolution due to multipath propagation. Furthermore, some focusing indicators such as entropy (E), contrast (C) and Rényi entropy (RE) provide us with a good focusing criterion when using TR-SAR.

How lowering speed limits in an urban highway affects traffics performance and emissions: the case of Madrid M-30 ring-road

The city of Madrid keeps not meeting the GHG and air pollutant limits set by the European legislation. A broad range of strategies have being taken into account to reduce both types of emissions; however traffic management meas ures are usually consigned to the sidelines. In 2004, Madrid City Council launched a plan to re-design its inner ring-road supported by a socioeconomic study that evaluated the environmental and operational benefits of the project. For safety reasons the planned speed limit for the tunnel section was finally reduced from 90km/h to 70km/h. Using a Macroscopic Traffic Model and the European Air Pollutant and Emissions Inventory Guidebook (EMEP/EEA), this paper examines the environmental and traffic performance consequences of this decision. Results support the thesis that reduced speed limits leads to GHG and air pollution reductions in the area affected by the measure without substantially altering traffic performance. The implementation of the new speed limit policy brings about a 15% and 16% reduction in both CO2 and NOx emissions respectively. Emissions’ reduction during off-peak hours is larger than during peak hours.

COST Action Urban Agriculture Europe Training School «Urban agriculture inside the city:alternatives for vacant lots and public space»

The third Training School of the Action took place in Vitoria-Gasteiz (Basque country, Spain) from 24th to 26th September 2014. Vitoria-Gateiz has experimented an important urban outgrowth in the last decade, mainly through the planning and development of two new neighborhoods, Zabalgana and Salburúa, situated at the eastern and western border of the city, by the Greenbelt. These new development are well-equipped and designed according to sustainability principles. Nevertheless, among the main problems they present is their over-dimensioned public space, which creates some areas lacking enough density and mix of uses. On the other hand it is very expensive for the municipality to maintain these public space with the high Vitorian urban standards for public space. The proposed solution for this problem is a strategy of "re-densification" through the insertion of new uses The debate has arisen about which are the most adequate uses to insert in order to get an increasing of urban vitality, specially considering that housing has reached its peak and that Vitoria-Gasteiz is well served with social and sport amenities. The main goal of the TS was to offer an opportunity for the reflection about how urban agriculture might be an optimal alternative for the re-qualifying of this over-dimensioned public space in the new neighbourhoods, especially considering it synergic potential as a tool for production, leisure and landscaping, including the possibility of energy crops within the limits of urban space. Continuity with rural and natural surrounding area through alternatives for urban fringe at the small scale is a relevant issue to be considered as well within the reflection. Taking Zabalgana neighbourhood as a practical field for experiment, the Training School is conceived as a practical and intensive design charrette to be held during a whole day after two days of local knowledge-deepening through field visits and presentations.

Urbanism and dictatorship: perspectives of the field of urban studies

In 1933 public letter to Wilhelm Furtwängler, Joseph Goebbels synthesized the official understanding of the link between politics, art and society in the early steps of the Third Reich. By assuming the ethos of art, politics acquired a plastic agency to mold its objects —population and the state— as a unified entity in the form of a ‘national-popular community’ (Volksgemeinschaft); in turn, by infusing art with a political valence, it became part of a wider governmental apparatus that reshaped aesthetic discourses and practices. Similar remarks could be made about the ordering of cities and territories in this period. Dictatorial imaginations mobilized urbanism —including urban theory, urban design and planning— as a fundamental tool for social organization. Under their aegis the production of space became a moment in a wider production of society. Many authors suggest that this political-spatial nexus is intrinsic to modernity itself, beyond dictatorial regimes. In this light, I propose to use dictatorial urbanisms as an analytical opportunity to delve into some concealed features of modern urban design and planning. This chapter explores some of these aspects from a theoretical standpoint, focusing on the development of dictatorial planning mentalities and spatial rationalities and drawing links to other historical episodes in order to inscribe the former in a broader genealogy of urbanism. Needless to say, I don’t suggest that we use dictatorships as mere templates to understand modern productions of space. Instead, these cases provide a crude version of some fundamental drives in the operationalization of urbanism as an instrument of social regulation, showing how far the modern imagination of sociospatial orderings can go. Dictatorial urbanisms constituted a set of experiences where many dreams and aspirations of modern planning went to die. But not, as the conventional account would have it, because the former were the antithesis of the latter, but rather because they worked as the excess of a particular orientation of modern spatial governmentalities — namely, their focus on calculation, social engineering and disciplinary spatialities, and their attempt to subsume a wide range of everyday practices under institutional structuration by means of spatial mediations. In my opinion the interest of dictatorial urbanisms lies in their role as key regulatory episodes in a longer history of our urban present. They stand as a threshold between the advent of planning in the late 19th and early 20th century, and its final consolidation as a crucial state instrument after World War II. We need, therefore, to pay attention to these experiences vis-à-vis the alleged ‘normal’ development of the field in contemporary democratic countries in order to develop a full comprehension thereof.

Transport interchange and local urban environment integration

Among the different interchange design aspects, integrated land use and infrastructure planning is maybe one of the most problematic fields in practice, given that a joint transport and urban planning spills over the regular scope of action of interchange developers, whereas it involves the cooperation and agreement of various authorities. Not only this, but the very issue of land use-transport integration seems to be a long-standing mantra in planning and transport research, lacking scientific evidence. This paper is an output of an ongoing European research project called ?NODES - New tOols for Design and OpEration of Urban Transport InterchangeS?. Its aim is to start re-focusing the academic-scientific evidence on the question and to foresee a specific and practical framework to approach the problem. The underlying hypothesis is that the interchange could be a catalyst of life and security in the city.

Hybridization Processes: The case of the urban game: Hybrid Hunt: Petrified

The proposal highlights certain design strategies and a case study that can link the material urban space to digital emerging realms. The composite nature of urban spaces ?material/ digital- is understood as an opportunity to reconfigure public urban spaces without high-cost, difficult to apply interventions and, furthermore, to reactivate them by inserting dynamic, interactive and playful conditions that engage people and re-establish their relations to the cities. The structuring of coexisting and interconnected material and digital aspects in public urban spaces is proposed through the implementation of hybridization processes. Hybrid spaces can fascinate and provoke the public and especially younger people to get involved and interact with physical aspects of urban public spaces as well as digital representations or interpretations of those. Digital game?s design in urban public spaces can be comprehended as a tool that allows architects to understand and to configure hybrids of material and digital conceptions and project all in one, as an inseparable totality. Digital technologies have for a long time now intervened in our perception of traditional dipoles such as subject - environment. Architects, especially in the past, have been responsible for material mediations and tangible interfaces that permit subjects to relate to their physical environments in a controlled and regulated manner; but, nowadays, architects are compelled to embody in design, the transition that is happening in all aspects of everyday life, that is, from material to digital realities. In addition, the disjunctive relation of material and digital realms is ceding and architects are now faced with the challenge that supposes the merging of both in a single, all-inclusive reality. The case study is a design project for a game implemented simultaneously in a specific urban space and on the internet. This project developed as the spring semester course New Media in Architecture at the Department of Architecture, Democritus University of Thrace, Greece is situated at the city of Xanthi. Composite cities can use design strategies and technological tools to configure augmented and appealing urban spaces that articulate and connect different realms in a single engaging reality.

Re-Ocupación y/o Re-Construcción de estructuras urbanas en desuso y su conexión con el espacio público y el paisaje

Los nuevos comportamientos urbanos nos permiten observar cada vez con más frecuencia en nuestras calles y plazas realidades que siempre habíamos considerado domésticas. Al contrario también pasa, todos los días vivimos en nuestras casas situaciones que implican relacionarnos con personas que no son de nuestro núcleo familiar. El diseño doméstico de nuestras ciudades y el urbanismo del diseño de interiores parecen herramientas oportunas en el mundo que nos ha tocado vivir. Esto nos lleva a pensar que los espacios públicos y privados son términos simplificados, definidos en base a conceptos de propiedad para organizar la ciudad. En cambio, sus usos y vivencias, su gestión y sus comportamientos se han complejizado, distorsionando la terminología convencional hasta hacerla obsoleta. En este contexto, considerado también el marco socioeconómico actual, surgen las “acciones de abajo a arriba” como nuevo paradigma o modelo de renovación urbana, que entienden la involucración del ciudadano como parte activa en el proceso de construcción de la urbe desde la misma gestación del proyecto, frente a las acciones habituales que consideran al usuario como mero receptor de las propuestas. Un ciudadano que parece estar cada vez más radicalizado y una administración que parece asustarse ante el desconcierto que el acercamiento al ciudadano puede acarrear, han ocasionado por un lado, espacios “gueto” de carácter casi anárquico y, por el otro lado, lugares tan institucionalizados que derivan en espacios asociados a la administración y ajenos al ciudadano. Por ello, se considera imprescindible la colaboración entre ambos poderes. De acuerdo con el discurso que precede, dentro de un marco comparativo, se estudian 5 supuestos seleccionados de las ciudades Madrid y Zaragoza. Madrid porque es referencia nacional e internacional en el desarrollo urbano a través de procesos ‘abajo arriba’. Zaragoza porque es una ciudad ‘media’ que históricamente no se ha definido por estrategias urbanas claras, ya sean de carácter social o institucional. Sin embargo, en el momento actual se pueden identificar planteamientos relacionados con la recuperación de construcciones y espacios vacantes que pueden ser determinantes a la hora de alcanzar equilibrios con los intensos procesos institucionales acaecidos en las dos últimas décadas. De los procesos urbanos registrados en cada lugar, desarrollados en construcciones y espacios vacantes, he seleccionado: Construcciones Vacantes Madrid |Tabacalera de Lavapiés Zaragoza | Antiguo I.E.S. Luis Buñuel y antiguo Convento de Mínimos Espacios Vacantes Madrid | Campo de Cebada [solar] Zaragoza | Patio ‘antiguo I.E.S. Luis Buñuel [espacio libre] y plaza Eduardo Ibarra [espacio libre] El proyecto de investigación ha partido de las hipótesis de partida que siguen: UNA… Las ‘acciones de abajo arriba’ o renovación desde abajo no tienen cabida como elementos urbanos aislados sino conectados entre sí, posibilitando la producción de sinergias y la construcción de la ciudad; pudiendo ser consideradas acciones de desarrollo y enlace urbano, pues su objetivo es convertirse en motores del espacio público. Cuestión que es aplicable al resto de los procesos o acciones urbanas [‘horizontales’ o ‘institucionales’] DOS… La capacidad de adaptación manifestada por las ‘acciones de abajo arriba’ implica un marco ideológico de referencia asociado a la importancia de la construcción con mínimos recursos [Re-ocupación y/o Re- Construcción de estructuras urbanas en desuso] en los procesos urbanos descritos, como vía para comprender los concepto sostenibilidad y calidad figurativa de lo construido. Cuestión que es aplicable a la recuperación de aquellos aspectos de la arquitectura que la convierten en necesaria para la sociedad. Y tiene como objetivo: Identificar modelos de sostenibilidad urbana como una estrategia que va de lo individual a lo colectivo y que se transmite fundamentalmente con la acción, mezclando la innovación y la tecnología en múltiples ámbitos, utilizando los recursos naturales e intelectuales de una manera eficiente y entendiendo la inteligencia humana y sobre todo la inteligencia colectiva, como principio y justificación. Se han analizado los siguientes aspectos: sociales [participación ciudadana e implicación de la administración pública], urbanos [conexiones con otros colectivos o espacios urbanos / transformaciones urbanas a través de los procesos de gestión utilizados], constructivos [materiales utilizados en la re-construcción de construcciones y espacios vacantes / sistemas constructivos utilizados] y los relacionados con la sostenibilidad [sostenibilidad económica / sostenibilidad de mantenimiento / sostenibilidad funcional / inteligencia colectiva] El estudio de los aspectos considerados se ha desarrollado con las herramientas metodológicas siguientes: Entrevistas abiertas a expertos: se han obtenido respuestas de 25 personas expertas [5 por cada espacio o construcción vacante] relacionadas con las acciones urbanas sostenibles, la cultura y las relaciones sociales, y que también conocen los lugares y su entorno desde los puntos de vista urbano y construido. Son ‘tipos ideales’ asociados a uno de los cinco poderes que se manifiestan en la ciudad: el poder educativo [la universidad], el poder creativo [la cultura], el poder administrativo [la política], el poder empresarial [la empresa privada] y los usuarios [un usuario activo y representativo de cada lugar elegido que haya intervenido en la gestación del proceso]. Han sido personas que conocían el tejido social y urbano de la ciudad de Zaragoza y Madrid, ya que la herramienta ‘entrevista abierta a expertos’, recoge datos y opiniones planteadas en las construcciones y espacios vacantes ubicados en Zaragoza y Madrid. Entrevistas cerradas a usuarios: como la población de usuarios que se somete a la investigación es infinita o muy grande, resulta imposible o inconveniente realizar la obtención de los datos sobre todos aquellos elementos que la forman. Por lo tanto, he decidido estudiar sólo una parte de la población que denomino ‘tipos ideales’, obteniendo respuestas de 150 usuarios [30 personas por cada espacio o construcción vacante]. La selección de grupos de personas entrevistadas, debe permitir que los resultados sean representativos de la población total de usuarios. Además, la elección de ‘tipos ideales’ se ha identificado con los vecinos de los núcleos urbanos [o barrios] en los que se ubican las construcciones o espacios vacantes analizados. Observación estructurada: recoger información a través de la observación me ha permitido conocer las actuaciones y comportamientos de los ciudadanos en el medio urbano. Esto ha facilitado el estudio del medio a nivel práctico, valorando el uso que la sociedad da a las construcciones y a los espacios vacantes analizados. Es importante posicionar la estrategia en relación con el tema de investigación propuesto. Una estrategia que dibuje un panorama plural, desarrollado a través de herramientas sociales y constructivas que permitan que la arquitectura hable de cosas parecidas a lo que interesa a la ciudadanía. Para ello, propuse un catálogo de herramientas arquitectónicas que han permitido evaluar todas las propuestas. Un contexto de estrategias comunes que han descrito con los mismos códigos las distintas actuaciones analizadas. Estas herramientas tocan diferentes campos de interés. Desde las partes más tectónicas y constructivas, hasta las más ligadas con el desarrollo urbanístico y social. Acciones de participación colectiva: Experiencias o laboratorios urbanos participados por los alumnos del grado de arquitectura de la UNIZAR y los agentes sociales. Las acciones son una herramienta propositiva. Investigar y analizar proponiendo ha permitido que el análisis del contexto pueda llegar a capas de mucha más profundidad. No se ha trabajado estableciendo jerarquías de profesores y alumnos, sino que se ha intentado posibilitar la conexión de distintos agentes que trabajan coordinadamente durante el tiempo que han durado las acciones. Por un lado esto ha permite que cada integrante haya aportado al grupo lo que mejor sabe hacer y de la misma manera, que cada uno pueda aprender aquello de lo que tenga más ganas… y reflexionar sobre determinados aspectos objeto del análisis. Una vez interpretados los resultados, obtenidos a través de las herramientas metodológicas referenciadas, se ha concluido lo que sigue: Respecto de la Hipótesis de partida UNO LAS ACCIONES ‘ABAJO ARRIBA’ han revelado que no se puede entender ningún proceso de gestión urbana fuera de la participación ciudadana. El ‘ESPACIO LIBRE’ de una ciudad necesita lugares de autogestión, espacios de cogestión, movimientos de ‘arriba abajo’ y también modelos que todavía no sabemos ni que existen. LAS ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES ‘ARRIBA ABAJO’ han demostrado que no han presentado permeabilidad ni relación con las circulaciones de entorno. Tampoco han tenido en cuenta a otras muchas personas, ‘usuarios productores’, a las que les interesan los procesos de búsqueda y las fórmulas de conexión más interactivas. Respecto de la hipótesis de partida DOS LAS ACCIONES ‘ABAJO ARRIBA’ han revelado que el ‘derecho a la ciudad’, paradigma defendido por Lefebvre desde el cual se piensa el urbanismo ciudadano, en estos supuestos podría entenderse como el ‘derecho a la infraestructura’. El ESPACIO LIBRE es infraestructura y se quiere para infraestructurar los derechos de cada uno. Y aunque también es verdad que estas acciones son simples destellos, han hecho visible otro paradigma de gestión y propuesta urbana que puede ser predominante en un futuro próximo. LAS ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES ‘ARRIBA ABAJO’ han revelado que las intervenciones estuvieron enfocadas únicamente a la resolución de los procesos constructivos y a la incorporación del programa como un dato ‘problema’ que era necesario resolver para evitar la afección al diseño. ABSTRACT The new urban ways of behaviour let us watch more and more frequently in our streets and squares, realities that we had always considered as domestic. This also happens the other way round. Every day we have to go through situations at home which imply relationships with people who don’t belong to our family circle. The domestic design of our cities and the urban planning of indoor design seem to be adequate tools in the world we have to live in. This leads us to think that public and private spaces are simplified terms, defined according to concepts of property in order to organise the city. On the other hand, its uses and the experiences of people, its management and ways of behaviour is now more complex, changing the conventional terminology that has become outdated. In this context, ‘bottom-up’ actions arise as a new paradigm or model of urban renewal. These actions consider the active role of social participation in the process of building up the city from the very beginning, in comparison with the former way of acting that considered the user as mere receptor of the proposals. A citizen who seems to become more and more radical, and an administration that seems to be afraid of the unknown, have created both almost anarchic ghetto spaces and, on the other hand, spaces which have been so institutionalised that derive into areas associated to the administration but alienated from the citizen. For this reason, cowork of both forces is considered as crucial. In accordance with the above mentioned ideas and within a comparative framework, five situations chosen from the cities of Madrid and Zaragoza are studied. Madrid because is a national and international reference in urban development that uses “bottom-up” processes. Zaragoza because is a “medium-size” city that, historically, has not been defined by clear social or institutional urban strategies. Nevertheless, at the present time we can identify approaches on the recovery of constructions and empty areas that may be determining for reaching a balance with the intense institutional processes that have taken place in the two last decades. From the urban processes registered in every place and developed in vacant areas and constructions, I have chosen: Vacant constructions Madrid | Lavapiés Tobacco Factory Zaragoza | Old Secondary School Luis Buñuel and old Convent of the Minimos Vacant areas Madrid | Campo de Cebada [non-built site]. Zaragoza | Old courtyard of the secondary school and Eduardo Ibarra square [free space] The research project has been issued from the following starting hypotheses: ONE… “Bottom-up actions” or renewal from below have no place as isolated urban elements but as connected parts that can produce synergies and the construction of the city, and that can also be considered as actions producing urban development and links. This can also be applied to the rest of urban processes or actions [‘horizontal’ or ‘institutional’]. TWO… The capacity of adaptation shown by “bottom-up actions” implies an ideological framework of reference which is related to the importance of construction with minimal resources (re-occupation and/or reconstruction of urban structures in disuse) in the above mentioned urban processes, as a way for understanding the concepts of sustainability and the representational quality of what has been constructed. This can also be applied to the recovery of those architectural aspects that make architecture necessary for society. And its objective is: Identify models of urban sustainability as a strategy going from the individual to the collective, which are mainly transferred by action and that mix innovation and technology in many fields. Models that use natural and intellectual resources in an efficient way, and understand human intelligence and, above all, collective intelligence, as principle and justification. The following aspects have been analysed: social [civic participation and involvement of the public Administration], urban [connections with other collectives or urban spaces / urban transformation by the processes of administration used], constructive [materials used for the re-construction of empty spaces / construction systems used] and those focusing on sustainability [economic sustainability /maintenance sustainability /functional sustainability / collective intelligence]. For researching into the above mentioned aspects, the following methodological tools have been developed: Open interviews with experts: answers from 25 experts have been obtained [five for every vacant space or empty construction] on sustainable urban actions, culture and social relations, who also know the places and their environment from an urban and constructive point of view. These are “ideal types” linked to one of the five powers acting in the city: the educational power [University], the creative power [culture], the administration power [politics], the corporate power [private companies] and the users [an active and representative user for every place selected during the establishment of the process]. They were people who knew the social and urban fabric of Zaragoza and Madrid, since the “open interview for experts” tool collects data and points of view set out in vacant constructions and spaces of Zaragoza and Madrid. Close interviews with users: as the number of users targeted for the research is very big or infinite, it is impossible or inconvenient to get data from all its constituent parts. Therefore, I have decided to research into the part of the population that I call “ideal types”, obtaining answers from 150 users [30 people for every empty space or construction]. The selection of the groups of people interviewed must produce results which are representative of the total population of users. Furthermore, the election of “ideal types” has been identified with the inhabitants of urban areas [or city districts] in which the vacant spaces or constructions analysed are located. A structured observation: I have known the actions and ways of behaving of the citizens in the urban environment by means of collecting information after observation. Therefore, the practical research into the target environment has been easier by valuing the use that society gives to the empty constructions and spaces analysed. It is important to position the strategy with respect to the research subject proposed. It involves a strategy able to get an overview of a plural landscape, developed by social and constructive tools, allowing architecture to talk about topics which are interesting for city dwellers. Therefore, I proposed a set of architectural tools to evaluate all the proposals. A context of common strategies describing the different actions analysed by using the same codes. These tools focus on different fields of interests, from the most tectonic and constructive parts, to the most related to urban and social development. Actions on collective participation: experiences or urban laboratories shared by the students of architecture of the University of Zaragoza and social agents. The actions are a proactive tool. Researching and analysing by means of proposing, has allowed me to analyse the context and much deeper layers. This work has not been done by establishing ranks of professors and student, but trying to get an interaction between the different agents who work in close coordination during the implementation of the actions. This has allowed every agent to contribute the group what they do the best, and also every individual has had the possibility to learn what s/he prefers…, thinking about the different aspects targeted by the analysis. Once the different methodological tools have been interpreted, this is the conclusion: With regard to the initial hypothesis ONE “BOTTOM-UP” ACTIONS have proven that no process of urban management can be understood outside civic participation. The “FREE SPACE” of a city needs self-managed places, co-managed spaces, “up-bottom” movements, and also models whose existence is still ignored. “UP-BOTTOM” INSTITUTIONAL ACTIONS have proven that they have not presented neither permeability nor relation with local ideas. They have also disregarded many other people, the “usersproducers”, who are interested in the most interactive means of searching and connecting processes. With regard to the initial hypothesis TWO Under these premises, “BOTTOM-UP” ACTIONS have shown that the “right to the city”, a paradigm defended by Lefebvre and from which citizen-focused urbanism is conceived, could be considered as a “right to the infrastructures”. A FREE SPACE is an infrastructure and must be used to “infrastructure” the rights of every citizen. And, even though it is true that these actions are mere flashes, they have made visible another paradigm of management and urban proposal that can be prevailing in a near future. “UP-BOTTOM” INSTITUTIONAL ACTIONS have revealed that the interventions have only focused on resolving construction processes and the incorporation of the program as a “problem” data that was necessary to resolve in order to avoid its influence on the design.

A conceptual insight on digital paralell workshops for urban planning

The educational realm in Urban Plan ning needs a review because of the global challenges that human settlements will face in the near futu re. In this scenario, international boards of research call for the development of common frameworks of research, accredita tion, and planning best-pra ctices, that need to transcend the limits of local competences, which at the same time affect educational structures. A central issue on achieving this pursued consensus is in ternational cooperation among academic institutions, seeking global awareness on urban challenges, built equally upon a variety of context-based experiences. The rise of ICT's and digital tools are widely perceived as a great field of opportunity to establish complex and de-centralized networks of knowledge-bu ilding that can be critical to address these needs.