Indicadores de sostenibilidad de la gestión integral de las aguas de lluvia en los entornos urbanos : aplicación a la ciudad de Zaragoza

En un contexto de rápido crecimiento de la población urbana y de cambio climático global, la consecución de un modelo de desarrollo sostenible pasa inevitablemente por construir ciudades más sostenibles. Basado en una intensiva impermeabilización de los suelos, el modelo actual de desarrollo urbano modifica profundamente el ciclo natural del agua en las ciudades. La drástica reducción de la capacidad de infiltración del terreno hace que gran parte de la precipitación se transforme en escorrentía superficial, que se concentra rápidamente originando grandes caudales punta. Además, el lavado de las superficies urbanas aporta altas cargas de contaminación a la escorrentía que producen importantes impactos en los medios receptores. Esta realidad motiva la realización de la presente tesis doctoral cuyo objetivo general es contribuir a la consecución de ciudades sostenibles a través de la gestión integral de las aguas de lluvia en los entornos urbanos. Con el objetivo prioritario de minimizar los riesgos de inundación, el enfoque convencional del drenaje urbano desarrolló las primeras soluciones en relación a los caudales punta, centralizando su gestión en el sistema de saneamiento e incorporando la escorrentía al mismo tan rápido como fuera posible. Pero en episodios de lluvias intensas la sobrecarga tanto hidráulica como de contaminación del sistema provoca un incremento de la vulnerabilidad de la población a las inundaciones, una falta de garantía de salud pública y graves impactos sobre los medios receptores. La aprobación en 1987 del CleanWaterAct en Estados Unidos, en el que se reconoció por primera vez el problema de la contaminación aportada por la escorrentía urbana, fue el punto de partida de un nuevo enfoque que promueve un conjunto de técnicas de drenaje que integran aspectos como cantidad de agua, calidad de agua y servicio a la sociedad. Estas técnicas, conocidas como Sistemas de Drenaje Sostenible (SUDS), son consideradas como las técnicas más apropiadas para gestionar los riesgos resultantes de la escorrentía urbana así como para contribuir a la mejora medioambiental de la cuenca y de los ecosistemas receptores. La experiencia internacional apunta a que la efectiva incorporación de los SUDS como sistemas habituales en el desarrollo urbano debe basarse en tres elementos clave: El desarrollo de un marco normativo, la aplicación de instrumentos económicos y la participación ciudadana activa en el proceso. Además se identifica como una de las líneas estratégicas para avanzar en la resolución de la problemática el desarrollo y aplicación de metodologías que apoyen el proceso de toma de decisiones basadas en indicadores cuantificables. Convergiendo con esta línea estratégica la presente tesis doctoral define unos indicadores de sostenibilidad focalizados en una temática no desarrollada hasta el momento, la gestión integral de las aguas de lluvia. Para ello, se aplica el marco analítico Presión-Estado–Respuesta bajo un enfoque que rebasa el sistema de saneamiento, enmarcando la gestión de las aguas de lluvia en las múltiples y complejas interrelaciones del sistema urbano. Así se determinan indicadores de presión, de estado y de respuesta para cada elemento del sistema urbano (Medio Receptor – Cuenca Urbana – Sistema de Saneamiento), definiendo para cada indicador el objetivo específico, la unidad de medición, la tendencia deseada de evolución y la periodicidad de seguimiento recomendada. La validez de la metodología propuesta se comprueba en el estudio de caso de la ciudad de Zaragoza. La determinación de los indicadores permite realizar un diagnóstico y definir unas líneas estratégicas de actuación que contemplan mejoras no sólo en el sistema de saneamiento y drenaje urbano, sino también en el marco normativo, urbanístico, económico, social y ambiental. Finalmente, se concluye que la integración de la gestión de las aguas de lluvia en las políticas de ordenación del territorio, el desarrollo de mecanismos de coordinación institucional, la mejora del marco normativo y la aplicación de instrumentos económicos son elementos clave para la gestión integral de las aguas de lluvia y el consecuente desarrollo de ciudades más sostenibles en España. In a context of rapid urbanization and global climate change, coping with sustainable development challenges requires the development of sustainable cities. Based on an intensive soil permeability reduction, the current development model deeply modifies the natural water cycle in the urban environment. Reduction of soil infiltration capacity turns most of the rainwater into surface runoff, rapidly leading to heavy peak flows which are highly contaminated due to the flushing of the urban surface. This is the central motivation for this thesis, which aspires to contribute to the attainment of more sustainable cities through an integrated management of rainwater in urban environments. With the main objective of minimizing floods, the conventional approach of drainage systems focused on peak flows, centralizing their management on the sewage system and incorporating flows as fast as possible. But during heavy rains the hydraulic and contamination overcharge of the sewage system leads to an increase in the vulnerability of the population, in regards to floods and lack of public health, as well as to severe impacts in receiving waters. In 1987, the United States’Clean Water Act Declaration, which firstly recognized the problem of runoff contamination, was the starting point of a new approach that promotes a set of techniques known as Sustainable Drainage Systems (SUDS)that integrates issues such as quantity of water, quality of water and service to society. SUDS are considered the most suitable set of techniques to manage the risks resulting from urban runoff, as well as to contribute to the environmental enhancement of urban basins and of the aquatic ecosystems. International experience points out that the effective adoption of SUDS as usual systems in urban development must be based on three key elements: The enhancement of the legal frame, the application of economic tools and the active public participation throughout the process. Additionally, one of the strategic actions to advance in the resolution of the problem is the development and application of methodologies based in measurable indicators that support the decision making process. In that line, this thesis defines a set of sustainability indicators focused in integrated management of rainwater. To that end, the present document applies the analytical frame Pressure – State – Response under an approach that goes beyond the sewage system and considers the multiple and complex interrelations within urban systems. Thus, for the three basic elements that interact in the issue (Receiving Water Bodies – Urban Basin – Sewage System) a set of Pressure – State – Response indicators are proposed, and the specific aim, the measurement unit, the desired evolution trend and the regularity of monitoring are defined for each of the indicators. The application of the proposed indicators to the case study of the city of Zaragoza acknowledged their suitability for the definition of lines of action that encompass not only the enhancement of the performance of sewage and drainage systems during rain events, but also the legal, urban, economic, social and environmental framework. Finally, this thesis concludes that the inclusion of urban rainwater management issues in the definition of regional planning policies, the development of mechanisms to attain an effective institutional coordination, the enhancement of the legal framework and the application of economic tools are key elements in order to achieve an integrated rainwater management and the subsequent sustainability of urban development in Spain.

Del plan a la realidad: gobernanza y toma de decisiones en los procesos de regeneración urbana. El caso de Boston = From plan to reality: governance and decision-making in urban regeneration processes in Boston

En las últimas tres décadas, las dinámicas de restructuración económica a nivel global han redefinido radicalmente el papel de las ciudades. La transición del keynesianismo al neoliberalismo ha provocado un cambio en las políticas urbanas de los gobiernos municipales, que han abandonado progresivamente las tareas de regulación y redistribución para centrarse en la promoción del crecimiento económico y la competitividad. En este contexto, muchas voces críticas han señalado que la regeneración urbana se ha convertido en un vehículo de extracción de valor de la ciudad y está provocando la expulsión de los ciudadanos más vulnerables. Sin embargo, la regeneración de áreas consolidadas supone también una oportunidad de mejora de las condiciones de vida de la población residente, y es una política necesaria para controlar la expansión de la ciudad y reducir las necesidades de desplazamiento, promoviendo así ciudades más sostenibles. Partiendo de la hipótesis de que la gobernanza de los procesos de regeneración urbana es clave en el resultado final de las operaciones y determina el modelo de ciudad resultante, el objetivo de esta investigación es verificar si la regeneración urbana es necesariamente un mecanismo de extracción de valor o si puede mejorar la calidad de vida en las ciudades a través de la participación de los ciudadanos. Para ello, propone un marco de análisis del proceso de toma de decisiones en los planes de regeneración urbana y su impacto en los resultados de los planes, tomando como caso de estudio la ciudad de Boston, que desde los años 1990 trata de convertirse en una “ciudad de los barrios”, fomentando la participación ciudadana al tiempo que se posiciona en la escena económica global. El análisis se centra en dos operaciones de regeneración iniciadas a finales de los años 1990. Por un lado, el caso de Jackson Square nos permite comprender el papel de la sociedad civil y el tercer sector en la regeneración de los barrios más desfavorecidos, en un claro ejemplo de urbanismo “desde abajo” (bottom-up planning). Por otro, la reconversión del frente marítimo de South Boston para la construcción del Distrito de Innovación nos acerca a las grandes operaciones de regeneración urbana con fines de estímulo económico, tradicionalmente vinculadas a los centros financieros (downtown) y dirigidas por las élites gubernamentales y económicas (la growth machine) a través de procesos más tecnocráticos (top-down planning). La metodología utilizada consiste en el análisis cualitativo de los procesos de toma de decisiones y la relación entre los agentes implicados, así como de la evaluación de la implementación de dichas decisiones y su influencia en el modelo urbano resultante. El análisis de los casos permite afirmar que la gobernanza de los procesos de regeneración urbana influye decisivamente en el resultado final de las intervenciones; sin embargo, la participación de la comunidad local en la toma de decisiones no es suficiente para que el resultado de la regeneración urbana contrarreste los efectos de la neoliberalización, especialmente si se limita a la fase de planeamiento y no se extiende a la fase de ejecución, y si no está apoyada por una movilización política de mayor alcance que asegure una acción pública redistributiva. Asimismo, puede afirmarse que los procesos de regeneración urbana suponen una redefinición del modelo de ciudad, dado que la elección de los espacios de intervención tiene consecuencias sobre el equilibrio territorial de la ciudad. Los resultados de esta investigación tienen implicaciones para la disciplina del planeamiento urbano. Por una parte, se confirma la vigencia del paradigma del “urbanismo negociado”, si bien bajo discursos de liderazgo público y sin apelación al protagonismo del sector privado. Por otra parte, la planificación colaborativa en un contexto de “responsabilización” de las organizaciones comunitarias puede desactivar la potencia política de la participación ciudadana y servir como “amortiguador” hacia el gobierno local. Asimismo, la sustitución del planeamiento general como instrumento de definición de la ciudad futura por una planificación oportunista basada en la actuación en áreas estratégicas que tiren del resto de la ciudad, no permite definir un modelo coherente y consensuado de la ciudad que se desea colectivamente, ni permite utilizar el planeamiento como mecanismo de redistribución. ABSTRACT In the past three decades, the dynamics of global economic restructuring have radically redefined the role of cities. The transition from keynesianism to neoliberalism has caused a shift in local governments’ urban policies, which have progressively abandoned the tasks of regulation and redistribution to focus on promoting economic growth and competitiveness. In this context, many critics have pointed out that urban regeneration has become a vehicle for extracting value from the city and is causing the expulsion of the most vulnerable citizens. However, regeneration of consolidated areas is also an opportunity to improve the living conditions of the resident population, and is a necessary policy to control the expansion of the city and reduce the need for transportation, thus promoting more sustainable cities. Assuming that the governance of urban regeneration processes is key to the final outcome of the plans and determines the resulting city model, the goal of this research is to verify whether urban regeneration is necessarily a value extraction mechanism or if it can improve the quality of life in cities through citizens’ participation. It proposes a framework for analysis of decision-making in urban regeneration processes and their impact on the results of the plans, taking as a case study the city of Boston, which since the 1990s is trying to become a "city of neighborhoods", encouraging citizen participation, while seeking to position itself in the global economic scene. The analysis focuses on two redevelopment plans initiated in the late 1990s. The Jackson Square case allows us to understand the role of civil society and the third sector in the regeneration of disadvantaged neighborhoods, in a clear example of bottom-up planning. On the contrary, the conversion of the South Boston waterfront to build the Innovation District takes us to the big redevelopment efforts with economic stimulus’ goals, traditionally linked to downtowns and led by government and economic elites (the local “growth machine”) through more technocratic processes (top-down planning). The research is based on a qualitative analysis of the processes of decision making and the relationship between those involved, as well as the evaluation of the implementation of those decisions and their influence on the resulting urban model. The analysis suggests that the governance of urban regeneration processes decisively influences the outcome of interventions; however, community engagement in the decision-making process is not enough for the result of the urban regeneration to counteract the effects of neoliberalization, especially if it is limited to the planning phase and does not extend to the implementation of the projects, and if it is not supported by a broader political mobilization to ensure a redistributive public action. Moreover, urban regeneration processes redefine the urban model, since the choice of intervention areas has important consequences for the territorial balance of the city. The results of this study have implications for the discipline of urban planning. On the one hand, it confirms the validity of the "negotiated planning" paradigm, albeit under public leadership discourse and without a direct appeal to the leadership role of the private sector. On the other hand, collaborative planning in a context of "responsibilization" of community based organizations can deactivate the political power of citizen participation and serve as a "buffer" towards the local government. Furthermore, the replacement of comprehensive planning, as a tool for defining the city's future, by an opportunistic planning based on intervention in strategic areas that are supposed to induce change in the rest of the city, does not allow a coherent and consensual urban model that is collectively desired, nor it allows to use planning as a redistribution mechanism.

Strategies and good practice for sustainable and liveable cities of tomorrow

This contribution deals with the question, what makes cities sustainable and integrative, and suggests an approach for "liveable cities of tomorrow" designed to sustain mobility. The liveable city of tomorrow needs to meet both ecological and social requirements in an integrative approach. To design urban patterns appropriate or “sustainable mobility” based on a concept of mobility defined as the number of accessible destinations (different to that for “fossil mobility” defined as the ability to cover distances) is a key element of such an approach. Considering the limited reserves of fossil fuels and the long lifetime of the built structure, mobility needs to rely on modes independent of fossil fuels (public transport and pedestrians) to make it sustainable and the urban pattern needs to be developed appropriately for these modes. Crucial for the success of public transport is the location of buildings within the catchment area of stops. An attractive urban environment for pedestrians is characterised by short distances in a compact settlement with appropriate/qualified urban density and mixed land use as well as by attractive public space. This, complemented by an integrative urban development on the quarter level including neighbourhood management with a broad spectrum of activity areas (social infrastructure, integration of diverse social and ethnic groups, health promotion, community living, etc.), results in increased liveability. The role of information technology in this context is to support a sustainable use of the built structures by organisational instruments. Sustainable and liveable communities offer many benefits for health, safety and well-being of their inhabitants.

Rebalancing urban mobility: a tale of four cities

The key of mobility in urban planning is not in dispute. Integrated strategies that take into account the interrelations among land use, transport supply and demand and the different transportation modes are more necessary than ever. In Europe, regulatory tools such as local mobility plans or traffic plans have been enforced for a long time, evolving into so-called sustainable urban transport plans (SUTP) ? that is, plans thatmerge urban planning,mobility governance, social awareness and environmental safeguards to develop a vision based on sustainability and equity. Indeed, SUTP are aimed at solving typical problems in current land use, such as urban sprawl, which make clear the need for a paradigm shift from transport (or mobility) planning to land use (or city) planning, thereby producing urban mobility plans that are fully aligned with integrated urban development plans. This paper describes how SUTP are articulated across Europe according to four case studies: Peterborough (UK), Chambe¿ry (France), Ferrara (Italy) and Pinto (Spain), to highlight variations and commonalities, both among the four national legal frameworks and the actual planning processes at the local level. Objectives, measures and indicators used in the monitoring and evaluation phases have been analysed and the results assessed. The main conclusion of the paper is that, as seen in these real-life examples, the lack of integration between spatial planning and transport strategies results in the unsustainability of urban areas and, therefore, in a significant loss of competitiveness.

Sustainable Air Traffic Management System Development Methodology

As it is defined in ATM 2000+ Strategy (Eurocontrol 2001), the mission of the Air Traffic Management (ATM) System is: “For all the phases of a flight, the ATM system should facilitate a safe, efficient, and expedite traffic flow, through the provision of adaptable ATM services that can be dimensioned in relation to the requirements of all the users and areas of the European air space. The ATM services should comply with the demand, be compatible, operate under uniform principles, respect the environment and satisfy the national security requirements.” The objective of this paper is to present a methodology designed to evaluate the status of the ATM system in terms of the relationship between the offered capacity and traffic demand, identifying weakness areas and proposing solutions. The first part of the methodology relates to the characterization and evaluation of the current system, while a second part proposes an approach to analyze the possible development limit. As part of the work, general criteria are established to define the framework in which the analysis and diagnostic methodology presented is placed. They are: the use of Air Traffic Control (ATC) sectors as analysis unit, the presence of network effects, the tactical focus, the relative character of the analysis, objectivity and a high level assessment that allows assumptions on the human and Communications, Navigation and Surveillance (CNS) elements, considered as the typical high density air traffic resources. The steps followed by the methodology start with the definition of indicators and metrics, like the nominal criticality or the nominal efficiency of a sector; scenario characterization where the necessary data is collected; network effects analysis to study the relations among the constitutive elements of the ATC system; diagnostic by means of the “System Status Diagram”; analytical study of the ATC system development limit; and finally, formulation of conclusions and proposal for improvement. This methodology was employed by Aena (Spanish Airports Manager and Air Navigation Service Provider) and INECO (Spanish Transport Engineering Company) in the analysis of the Spanish ATM System in the frame of the Spanish airspace capacity sustainability program, although it could be applied elsewhere.

Comparative analysis of passenger transport sustainability in European cities

Sustainable development in its three dimensions – economic, social and environmental – has become a major concern on an international scale. The problem is global, but must be solved locally. Most of the world’s population lives in cities that act as centres of economic growth and productivity, but which – if they develop in the wrong direction – can cause social inequalities, or irreversibly harm the environment. Urban transport causes a number of negative impacts that can affect sustainability targets. The objective of this study is to propose an analysis of sustainability of urban passenger transport systems based on available indicators in most cities. This will serve to benchmark the practices of different cities and manage their transport systems. This work involves the creation of composite indicators (CI) to measure the sustainability of urban passenger transport systems. The methodology is applied to 23 European cities. The indicators are based on a benchmarking approach, and the evaluation of each aspect in each case therefore depends on the performance of the whole sample. The CI enabled us to identify which characteristics have the greatest influence on the sustainability of a city’s transport system, and to establish transport policies that could potentially improve its shortcomings. Finally, the cities are clustered according to the values obtained from the CIs, and thus according to the weaknesses and strengths of their transport systems.

ICT Road map for supporting energy systems in smart cities

This paper introduces a road map for ICTs (Information and communication technologies) supporting planning, operation and management of energy systems in smart cities. The road map summarises different elements that form energy systems in cities and proposes research and technical development (RTD) and innovation activities for the development and innovation of ICTs for holistic design, planning and operation of energy systems. In addition, synergies with other ICT systems for smart cities are considered. There are four main target groups for the road map: 1) citizen; 2) building sector; 3) energy sector; and 4) municipality level. As an example for enabling active participation of citizens, the road map proposes how ICT can enable citizens? involvement among others into building design. The building sector roadmap proposes how ICTs can support the planning of buildings and renovations in the future, as well as how to manage building energy systems. The energy sector road map focuses on city?s energy systems and their planning and management, including e.g. demand side management, management of different district level energy systems, energy performance validation and management, energy data models, and smarter use of open energy data. Moreover, the municipality level road map proposes among others ICTs for better integration of city systems and city planning enabling maximised energy efficiency. In addition, one road map section suggests development needs related to open energy data, including among others the use of energy data and the development and harmonisation of energy data models. The road map has been assembled in the READY4SmartCities project (funded by EU 7th Framework Programme), which focuses on the energy system at the city level, consisting of centralised energy systems and connections to the national level energy grids, as well as interconnections to the neighbourhood and building level energy systems.

A CO2-saving-based methodology to measure the impact of the SUMP in European Cities: Application to the City of Burgos

Urban mobility in Europe is always a responsibility of the municipalities which propose measures to reduce CO2 emissions in terms of mobility aimed at reducing individual private transport (car). The European Commission's Action Plan on Urban Mobility calls for an increase in the take-up of Sustainable Urban Mobility Plans in Europe. SUMPs aim to create a sustainable urban transport system. Europe has got some long term initiatives and has been using some evaluation procedures, many of them through European projects. Nevertheless, the weak point with the SUMPs in Spain, has been the lack of concern about the evaluation and the effectiveness of the measures implemented in a SUMP. For this reason, it is difficult to know exactly whether or not the SUMPs have positively influenced in the modal split of the cities, and its contribution to reduce CO2 levels. The case of the City of Burgos is a very illustrative example as it developed a CiViTAS project during the years 2005-2009, with a total investment of 6M?. The results have been considered as ?very successful? even at European level. The modal split has changed considerably for better, The cost-effectiveness ratio of the SUMP in the city can be measured with the CO2 ton saved, specifically 36 ? per CO2 ton saved, which is fully satisfactory and in line with calculations from other European researchers. Additionally, the authors propose a single formula to measure the effectiveness of the activities developed under the umbrella of a SUMP.

Re-Ocupación y/o Re-Construcción de estructuras urbanas en desuso y su conexión con el espacio público y el paisaje

Los nuevos comportamientos urbanos nos permiten observar cada vez con más frecuencia en nuestras calles y plazas realidades que siempre habíamos considerado domésticas. Al contrario también pasa, todos los días vivimos en nuestras casas situaciones que implican relacionarnos con personas que no son de nuestro núcleo familiar. El diseño doméstico de nuestras ciudades y el urbanismo del diseño de interiores parecen herramientas oportunas en el mundo que nos ha tocado vivir. Esto nos lleva a pensar que los espacios públicos y privados son términos simplificados, definidos en base a conceptos de propiedad para organizar la ciudad. En cambio, sus usos y vivencias, su gestión y sus comportamientos se han complejizado, distorsionando la terminología convencional hasta hacerla obsoleta. En este contexto, considerado también el marco socioeconómico actual, surgen las “acciones de abajo a arriba” como nuevo paradigma o modelo de renovación urbana, que entienden la involucración del ciudadano como parte activa en el proceso de construcción de la urbe desde la misma gestación del proyecto, frente a las acciones habituales que consideran al usuario como mero receptor de las propuestas. Un ciudadano que parece estar cada vez más radicalizado y una administración que parece asustarse ante el desconcierto que el acercamiento al ciudadano puede acarrear, han ocasionado por un lado, espacios “gueto” de carácter casi anárquico y, por el otro lado, lugares tan institucionalizados que derivan en espacios asociados a la administración y ajenos al ciudadano. Por ello, se considera imprescindible la colaboración entre ambos poderes. De acuerdo con el discurso que precede, dentro de un marco comparativo, se estudian 5 supuestos seleccionados de las ciudades Madrid y Zaragoza. Madrid porque es referencia nacional e internacional en el desarrollo urbano a través de procesos ‘abajo arriba’. Zaragoza porque es una ciudad ‘media’ que históricamente no se ha definido por estrategias urbanas claras, ya sean de carácter social o institucional. Sin embargo, en el momento actual se pueden identificar planteamientos relacionados con la recuperación de construcciones y espacios vacantes que pueden ser determinantes a la hora de alcanzar equilibrios con los intensos procesos institucionales acaecidos en las dos últimas décadas. De los procesos urbanos registrados en cada lugar, desarrollados en construcciones y espacios vacantes, he seleccionado: Construcciones Vacantes Madrid |Tabacalera de Lavapiés Zaragoza | Antiguo I.E.S. Luis Buñuel y antiguo Convento de Mínimos Espacios Vacantes Madrid | Campo de Cebada [solar] Zaragoza | Patio ‘antiguo I.E.S. Luis Buñuel [espacio libre] y plaza Eduardo Ibarra [espacio libre] El proyecto de investigación ha partido de las hipótesis de partida que siguen: UNA… Las ‘acciones de abajo arriba’ o renovación desde abajo no tienen cabida como elementos urbanos aislados sino conectados entre sí, posibilitando la producción de sinergias y la construcción de la ciudad; pudiendo ser consideradas acciones de desarrollo y enlace urbano, pues su objetivo es convertirse en motores del espacio público. Cuestión que es aplicable al resto de los procesos o acciones urbanas [‘horizontales’ o ‘institucionales’] DOS… La capacidad de adaptación manifestada por las ‘acciones de abajo arriba’ implica un marco ideológico de referencia asociado a la importancia de la construcción con mínimos recursos [Re-ocupación y/o Re- Construcción de estructuras urbanas en desuso] en los procesos urbanos descritos, como vía para comprender los concepto sostenibilidad y calidad figurativa de lo construido. Cuestión que es aplicable a la recuperación de aquellos aspectos de la arquitectura que la convierten en necesaria para la sociedad. Y tiene como objetivo: Identificar modelos de sostenibilidad urbana como una estrategia que va de lo individual a lo colectivo y que se transmite fundamentalmente con la acción, mezclando la innovación y la tecnología en múltiples ámbitos, utilizando los recursos naturales e intelectuales de una manera eficiente y entendiendo la inteligencia humana y sobre todo la inteligencia colectiva, como principio y justificación. Se han analizado los siguientes aspectos: sociales [participación ciudadana e implicación de la administración pública], urbanos [conexiones con otros colectivos o espacios urbanos / transformaciones urbanas a través de los procesos de gestión utilizados], constructivos [materiales utilizados en la re-construcción de construcciones y espacios vacantes / sistemas constructivos utilizados] y los relacionados con la sostenibilidad [sostenibilidad económica / sostenibilidad de mantenimiento / sostenibilidad funcional / inteligencia colectiva] El estudio de los aspectos considerados se ha desarrollado con las herramientas metodológicas siguientes: Entrevistas abiertas a expertos: se han obtenido respuestas de 25 personas expertas [5 por cada espacio o construcción vacante] relacionadas con las acciones urbanas sostenibles, la cultura y las relaciones sociales, y que también conocen los lugares y su entorno desde los puntos de vista urbano y construido. Son ‘tipos ideales’ asociados a uno de los cinco poderes que se manifiestan en la ciudad: el poder educativo [la universidad], el poder creativo [la cultura], el poder administrativo [la política], el poder empresarial [la empresa privada] y los usuarios [un usuario activo y representativo de cada lugar elegido que haya intervenido en la gestación del proceso]. Han sido personas que conocían el tejido social y urbano de la ciudad de Zaragoza y Madrid, ya que la herramienta ‘entrevista abierta a expertos’, recoge datos y opiniones planteadas en las construcciones y espacios vacantes ubicados en Zaragoza y Madrid. Entrevistas cerradas a usuarios: como la población de usuarios que se somete a la investigación es infinita o muy grande, resulta imposible o inconveniente realizar la obtención de los datos sobre todos aquellos elementos que la forman. Por lo tanto, he decidido estudiar sólo una parte de la población que denomino ‘tipos ideales’, obteniendo respuestas de 150 usuarios [30 personas por cada espacio o construcción vacante]. La selección de grupos de personas entrevistadas, debe permitir que los resultados sean representativos de la población total de usuarios. Además, la elección de ‘tipos ideales’ se ha identificado con los vecinos de los núcleos urbanos [o barrios] en los que se ubican las construcciones o espacios vacantes analizados. Observación estructurada: recoger información a través de la observación me ha permitido conocer las actuaciones y comportamientos de los ciudadanos en el medio urbano. Esto ha facilitado el estudio del medio a nivel práctico, valorando el uso que la sociedad da a las construcciones y a los espacios vacantes analizados. Es importante posicionar la estrategia en relación con el tema de investigación propuesto. Una estrategia que dibuje un panorama plural, desarrollado a través de herramientas sociales y constructivas que permitan que la arquitectura hable de cosas parecidas a lo que interesa a la ciudadanía. Para ello, propuse un catálogo de herramientas arquitectónicas que han permitido evaluar todas las propuestas. Un contexto de estrategias comunes que han descrito con los mismos códigos las distintas actuaciones analizadas. Estas herramientas tocan diferentes campos de interés. Desde las partes más tectónicas y constructivas, hasta las más ligadas con el desarrollo urbanístico y social. Acciones de participación colectiva: Experiencias o laboratorios urbanos participados por los alumnos del grado de arquitectura de la UNIZAR y los agentes sociales. Las acciones son una herramienta propositiva. Investigar y analizar proponiendo ha permitido que el análisis del contexto pueda llegar a capas de mucha más profundidad. No se ha trabajado estableciendo jerarquías de profesores y alumnos, sino que se ha intentado posibilitar la conexión de distintos agentes que trabajan coordinadamente durante el tiempo que han durado las acciones. Por un lado esto ha permite que cada integrante haya aportado al grupo lo que mejor sabe hacer y de la misma manera, que cada uno pueda aprender aquello de lo que tenga más ganas… y reflexionar sobre determinados aspectos objeto del análisis. Una vez interpretados los resultados, obtenidos a través de las herramientas metodológicas referenciadas, se ha concluido lo que sigue: Respecto de la Hipótesis de partida UNO LAS ACCIONES ‘ABAJO ARRIBA’ han revelado que no se puede entender ningún proceso de gestión urbana fuera de la participación ciudadana. El ‘ESPACIO LIBRE’ de una ciudad necesita lugares de autogestión, espacios de cogestión, movimientos de ‘arriba abajo’ y también modelos que todavía no sabemos ni que existen. LAS ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES ‘ARRIBA ABAJO’ han demostrado que no han presentado permeabilidad ni relación con las circulaciones de entorno. Tampoco han tenido en cuenta a otras muchas personas, ‘usuarios productores’, a las que les interesan los procesos de búsqueda y las fórmulas de conexión más interactivas. Respecto de la hipótesis de partida DOS LAS ACCIONES ‘ABAJO ARRIBA’ han revelado que el ‘derecho a la ciudad’, paradigma defendido por Lefebvre desde el cual se piensa el urbanismo ciudadano, en estos supuestos podría entenderse como el ‘derecho a la infraestructura’. El ESPACIO LIBRE es infraestructura y se quiere para infraestructurar los derechos de cada uno. Y aunque también es verdad que estas acciones son simples destellos, han hecho visible otro paradigma de gestión y propuesta urbana que puede ser predominante en un futuro próximo. LAS ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES ‘ARRIBA ABAJO’ han revelado que las intervenciones estuvieron enfocadas únicamente a la resolución de los procesos constructivos y a la incorporación del programa como un dato ‘problema’ que era necesario resolver para evitar la afección al diseño. ABSTRACT The new urban ways of behaviour let us watch more and more frequently in our streets and squares, realities that we had always considered as domestic. This also happens the other way round. Every day we have to go through situations at home which imply relationships with people who don’t belong to our family circle. The domestic design of our cities and the urban planning of indoor design seem to be adequate tools in the world we have to live in. This leads us to think that public and private spaces are simplified terms, defined according to concepts of property in order to organise the city. On the other hand, its uses and the experiences of people, its management and ways of behaviour is now more complex, changing the conventional terminology that has become outdated. In this context, ‘bottom-up’ actions arise as a new paradigm or model of urban renewal. These actions consider the active role of social participation in the process of building up the city from the very beginning, in comparison with the former way of acting that considered the user as mere receptor of the proposals. A citizen who seems to become more and more radical, and an administration that seems to be afraid of the unknown, have created both almost anarchic ghetto spaces and, on the other hand, spaces which have been so institutionalised that derive into areas associated to the administration but alienated from the citizen. For this reason, cowork of both forces is considered as crucial. In accordance with the above mentioned ideas and within a comparative framework, five situations chosen from the cities of Madrid and Zaragoza are studied. Madrid because is a national and international reference in urban development that uses “bottom-up” processes. Zaragoza because is a “medium-size” city that, historically, has not been defined by clear social or institutional urban strategies. Nevertheless, at the present time we can identify approaches on the recovery of constructions and empty areas that may be determining for reaching a balance with the intense institutional processes that have taken place in the two last decades. From the urban processes registered in every place and developed in vacant areas and constructions, I have chosen: Vacant constructions Madrid | Lavapiés Tobacco Factory Zaragoza | Old Secondary School Luis Buñuel and old Convent of the Minimos Vacant areas Madrid | Campo de Cebada [non-built site]. Zaragoza | Old courtyard of the secondary school and Eduardo Ibarra square [free space] The research project has been issued from the following starting hypotheses: ONE… “Bottom-up actions” or renewal from below have no place as isolated urban elements but as connected parts that can produce synergies and the construction of the city, and that can also be considered as actions producing urban development and links. This can also be applied to the rest of urban processes or actions [‘horizontal’ or ‘institutional’]. TWO… The capacity of adaptation shown by “bottom-up actions” implies an ideological framework of reference which is related to the importance of construction with minimal resources (re-occupation and/or reconstruction of urban structures in disuse) in the above mentioned urban processes, as a way for understanding the concepts of sustainability and the representational quality of what has been constructed. This can also be applied to the recovery of those architectural aspects that make architecture necessary for society. And its objective is: Identify models of urban sustainability as a strategy going from the individual to the collective, which are mainly transferred by action and that mix innovation and technology in many fields. Models that use natural and intellectual resources in an efficient way, and understand human intelligence and, above all, collective intelligence, as principle and justification. The following aspects have been analysed: social [civic participation and involvement of the public Administration], urban [connections with other collectives or urban spaces / urban transformation by the processes of administration used], constructive [materials used for the re-construction of empty spaces / construction systems used] and those focusing on sustainability [economic sustainability /maintenance sustainability /functional sustainability / collective intelligence]. For researching into the above mentioned aspects, the following methodological tools have been developed: Open interviews with experts: answers from 25 experts have been obtained [five for every vacant space or empty construction] on sustainable urban actions, culture and social relations, who also know the places and their environment from an urban and constructive point of view. These are “ideal types” linked to one of the five powers acting in the city: the educational power [University], the creative power [culture], the administration power [politics], the corporate power [private companies] and the users [an active and representative user for every place selected during the establishment of the process]. They were people who knew the social and urban fabric of Zaragoza and Madrid, since the “open interview for experts” tool collects data and points of view set out in vacant constructions and spaces of Zaragoza and Madrid. Close interviews with users: as the number of users targeted for the research is very big or infinite, it is impossible or inconvenient to get data from all its constituent parts. Therefore, I have decided to research into the part of the population that I call “ideal types”, obtaining answers from 150 users [30 people for every empty space or construction]. The selection of the groups of people interviewed must produce results which are representative of the total population of users. Furthermore, the election of “ideal types” has been identified with the inhabitants of urban areas [or city districts] in which the vacant spaces or constructions analysed are located. A structured observation: I have known the actions and ways of behaving of the citizens in the urban environment by means of collecting information after observation. Therefore, the practical research into the target environment has been easier by valuing the use that society gives to the empty constructions and spaces analysed. It is important to position the strategy with respect to the research subject proposed. It involves a strategy able to get an overview of a plural landscape, developed by social and constructive tools, allowing architecture to talk about topics which are interesting for city dwellers. Therefore, I proposed a set of architectural tools to evaluate all the proposals. A context of common strategies describing the different actions analysed by using the same codes. These tools focus on different fields of interests, from the most tectonic and constructive parts, to the most related to urban and social development. Actions on collective participation: experiences or urban laboratories shared by the students of architecture of the University of Zaragoza and social agents. The actions are a proactive tool. Researching and analysing by means of proposing, has allowed me to analyse the context and much deeper layers. This work has not been done by establishing ranks of professors and student, but trying to get an interaction between the different agents who work in close coordination during the implementation of the actions. This has allowed every agent to contribute the group what they do the best, and also every individual has had the possibility to learn what s/he prefers…, thinking about the different aspects targeted by the analysis. Once the different methodological tools have been interpreted, this is the conclusion: With regard to the initial hypothesis ONE “BOTTOM-UP” ACTIONS have proven that no process of urban management can be understood outside civic participation. The “FREE SPACE” of a city needs self-managed places, co-managed spaces, “up-bottom” movements, and also models whose existence is still ignored. “UP-BOTTOM” INSTITUTIONAL ACTIONS have proven that they have not presented neither permeability nor relation with local ideas. They have also disregarded many other people, the “usersproducers”, who are interested in the most interactive means of searching and connecting processes. With regard to the initial hypothesis TWO Under these premises, “BOTTOM-UP” ACTIONS have shown that the “right to the city”, a paradigm defended by Lefebvre and from which citizen-focused urbanism is conceived, could be considered as a “right to the infrastructures”. A FREE SPACE is an infrastructure and must be used to “infrastructure” the rights of every citizen. And, even though it is true that these actions are mere flashes, they have made visible another paradigm of management and urban proposal that can be prevailing in a near future. “UP-BOTTOM” INSTITUTIONAL ACTIONS have revealed that the interventions have only focused on resolving construction processes and the incorporation of the program as a “problem” data that was necessary to resolve in order to avoid its influence on the design.