11 resultados para Democratic consensus

em Universidad Politécnica de Madrid


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Algorithms for distributed agreement are a powerful means for formulating distributed versions of existing centralized algorithms. We present a toolkit for this task and show how it can be used systematically to design fully distributed algorithms for static linear Gaussian models, including principal component analysis, factor analysis, and probabilistic principal component analysis. These algorithms do not rely on a fusion center, require only low-volume local (1-hop neighborhood) communications, and are thus efficient, scalable, and robust. We show how they are also guaranteed to asymptotically converge to the same solution as the corresponding existing centralized algorithms. Finally, we illustrate the functioning of our algorithms on two examples, and examine the inherent cost-performance tradeoff.

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This paper is on homonymous distributed systems where processes are prone to crash failures and have no initial knowledge of the system membership (?homonymous? means that several processes may have the same identi?er). New classes of failure detectors suited to these systems are ?rst de?ned. Among them, the classes H? and H? are introduced that are the homonymous counterparts of the classes ? and ?, respectively. (Recall that the pair h?,?i de?nes the weakest failure detector to solve consensus.) Then, the paper shows how H? and H? can be implemented in homonymous systems without membership knowledge (under different synchrony requirements). Finally, two algorithms are presented that use these failure detectors to solve consensus in homonymous asynchronous systems where there is no initial knowledge ofthe membership. One algorithm solves consensus with hH?, H?i, while the other uses only H?, but needs a majority of correct processes. Observe that the systems with unique identi?ers and anonymous systems are extreme cases of homonymous systems from which follows that all these results also apply to these systems. Interestingly, the new failure detector class H? can be implemented with partial synchrony, while the analogous class A? de?ned for anonymous systems can not be implemented (even in synchronous systems). Hence, the paper provides us with the ?rst proof showing that consensus can be solved in anonymous systems with only partial synchrony (and a majority of correct processes).

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Distributed target tracking in wireless sensor networks (WSN) is an important problem, in which agreement on the target state can be achieved using conventional consensus methods, which take long to converge. We propose distributed particle filtering based on belief propagation (DPF-BP) consensus, a fast method for target tracking. According to our simulations, DPF-BP provides better performance than DPF based on standard belief consensus (DPF-SBC) in terms of disagreement in the network. However, in terms of root-mean square error, it can outperform DPF-SBC only for a specific number of consensus iterations.

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The concept of unreliable failure detector was introduced by Chandra and Toueg as a mechanism that provides information about process failures. This mechanism has been used to solve several agreement problems, such as the consensus problem. In this paper, algorithms that implement failure detectors in partially synchronous systems are presented. First two simple algorithms of the weakest class to solve the consensus problem, namely the Eventually Strong class (⋄S), are presented. While the first algorithm is wait-free, the second algorithm is f-resilient, where f is a known upper bound on the number of faulty processes. Both algorithms guarantee that, eventually, all the correct processes agree permanently on a common correct process, i.e. they also implement a failure detector of the class Omega (Ω). They are also shown to be optimal in terms of the number of communication links used forever. Additionally, a wait-free algorithm that implements a failure detector of the Eventually Perfect class (⋄P) is presented. This algorithm is shown to be optimal in terms of the number of bidirectional links used forever.

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The term "Smart Product" has become commonly used in recent years. This is because there has been an increasing interest in these kinds of products as part of the consumer goods industry, impacting everyday life and industry. Nevertheless, the term "Smart Product" is used with different meanings in different contexts and application domains. The use of the term "Smart Product" with different meanings and underlying semantics can create important misunderstandings and dissent. The aim of this paper is to analyze the different definitions of Smart Product available in the literature, and to explore and analyze their commonalities and differences, in order to provide a consensus definition that satisfies, and can therefore be used by, all parties. To embrace the identified definitions, the concept of "Smart Thing" is introduced. The methodology used was a systematic literature review. The definition is expressed as an ontology.

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There is controversy regarding the use of the similarity functions proposed in the literature to compare generalized trapezoidal fuzzy numbers since conflicting similarity values are sometimes output for the same pair of fuzzy numbers. In this paper we propose a similarity function aimed at establishing a consensus. It accounts for the different approaches of all the similarity functions. It also has better properties and can easily incorporate new parameters for future improvements. The analysis is carried out on the basis of a large and representative set of pairs of trapezoidal fuzzy numbers.

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In classical distributed systems, each process has a unique identity. Today, new distributed systems have emerged where a unique identity is not always possible to be assigned to each process. For example, in many sensor networks a unique identity is not possible to be included in each device due to its small storage capacity, reduced computational power, or the huge number of devices to be identified. In these cases, we have to work with anonymous distributed systems where processes cannot be identified. Consensus cannot be solved in classical and anonymous asynchronous distributed systems where processes can crash. To bypass this impossibility result, failure detectors are added to these systems. It is known that ? is the weakest failure detector class for solving consensus in classical asynchronous systems when amajority of processes never crashes. Although A? was introduced as an anonymous version of ?, to find the weakest failure detector in anonymous systems to solve consensus when amajority of processes never crashes is nowadays an open question. Furthermore, A? has the important drawback that it is not implementable. Very recently, A? has been introduced as a counterpart of ? for anonymous systems. In this paper, we show that the A? failure detector class is strictly weaker than A? (i.e., A? provides less information about process crashes than A?). We also present in this paper the first implementation of A? (hence, we also show that A? is implementable), and, finally, we include the first implementation of consensus in anonymous asynchronous systems augmented with A? and where a majority of processes does not crash.

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Abstract:The aim of this paper is to review the literature on voting systems based on Condorcet and Borda. We compared and classified them. Also we referred to some strengths and weaknesses of voting systems and finally in a case study, we made use of the Borda voting system for collective decision making in the Salonga National Park in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Resumen: el objetivo de este trabajo es hacer una revisión bibliográfica de los sistemas de votación basados en Condorcet y Borda. Se ha comparado y clasificado los mismos. Así mismo se ha hecho referencia a algunas debilidades y fortalezas de los sistemas de votación y por último en un caso de estudio, se ha hecho uso del sistema de votación de Borda para la toma de decisión colectiva en el Parque Nacional de Salonga en la República Democrática del Congo.

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Neuronal morphology is hugely variable across brain regions and species, and their classification strategies are a matter of intense debate in neuroscience. GABAergic cortical interneurons have been a challenge because it is difficult to find a set of morphological properties which clearly define neuronal types. A group of 48 neuroscience experts around the world were asked to classify a set of 320 cortical GABAergic interneurons according to the main features of their three-dimensional morphological reconstructions. A methodology for building a model which captures the opinions of all the experts was proposed. First, one Bayesian network was learned for each expert, and we proposed an algorithm for clustering Bayesian networks corresponding to experts with similar behaviors. Then, a Bayesian network which represents the opinions of each group of experts was induced. Finally, a consensus Bayesian multinet which models the opinions of the whole group of experts was built. A thorough analysis of the consensus model identified different behaviors between the experts when classifying the interneurons in the experiment. A set of characterizing morphological traits for the neuronal types was defined by performing inference in the Bayesian multinet. These findings were used to validate the model and to gain some insights into neuron morphology.

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El presente trabajo aborda el análisis de la idea de monumentalidad, así como el diseño y la construcción de monumentos concretos, a la finalización de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, prestando especial atención al intento del Movimiento Moderno de introducirse en un campo que hasta entonces le había sido ajeno. Entendiendo que el monumento es ante todo un artefacto para la memoria, y analizando las teorías de sociólogos como Émile Durkheim, Maurice Halbwachs, Jan Assmann o Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, la tesis se propone explicar el papel que juegan los monumentos en la creación de una memoria colectiva que, a diferencia de la historia, es una recopilación selectiva de acontecimientos del pasado cuyo fin es procurar y celebrar la permanencia del grupo social. También se propone analizar el papel del monumento como elemento de estabilidad en el paisaje urbano que genera de forma natural el apego de los ciudadanos, puesto que forma parte destacada del marco espacial en el que se han desarrollado sus vidas. Desde estas dos facetas se pretende justificar la necesidad de monumentos que experimenta cualquier grupo social, y por qué las guerras, que ponen en peligro la estructura, e incluso la propia vida del grupo, son acontecimientos que generan una tendencia especial a la construcción de monumentos que conjuren el peligro al que éste se ha visto sometido. Se explicarán las razones por las que la conmemoración de la Segunda Guerra Mundial se volvió especialmente problemática. Entre las principales, la desaparición de fronteras entre frente y retaguardia, entre objetivos militares y civiles; por otra parte la despersonalización de la acción bélica como consecuencia de la aplicación de la tecnología; en tercer lugar el papel de los medios de comunicación de masas, que por primera vez en la historia irrumpieron de forma masiva en una guerra, y ofrecían imágenes instantáneas, más impactantes y con un aura de realidad con la que el monumento convencional no era capaz de competir; en cuarto lugar el inicio de la era atómica, que enfrentaba por primera vez a la humanidad a la posibilidad de su destrucción total; y finalmente la experiencia del Holocausto, en cuanto que aniquilación carente de objetivo e ideología, que se servía del progreso de la ciencia para ganar en eficiencia, y que puso de manifiesto la manipulabilidad de la tecnología al servicio de unos intereses particulares. Como respuesta a esta dificultad para la conmemoración, se popularizaron dos fórmulas hasta entonces marginales que podemos considerar características del momento: una de ellas es el living memorial, que trataba de ofrecer una lectura constructiva de la guerra poniendo de relieve determinadas funciones prácticas de carácter democrático, cultural, deportivo, etc. que se presentaban como los frutos por los que se había combatido en la guerra. En esta fórmula es donde el Movimiento Moderno encontró la posibilidad de abordar nuevos proyectos, en los que la función estaba presente pero no era el ingrediente determinante, lo que obligaría a un enriquecimiento del lenguaje con el que responder a la dimensión emotiva del monumento. Y si bien hay en esta época edificios modernos que podemos calificar justamente de monumentos, el desplazamiento del centro del debate teórico hacia cuestiones estilísticas y expresivas limitó considerablemente la claridad de los enunciados anteriores y la posibilidad de consenso. Dentro de los living memorials, las sedes de la Organización de Naciones Unidas y sus correspondientes agencias representaron la mayor esperanza del Movimiento Moderno por construir un auténtico monumento. Sin embargo, el sistema de trabajo en grupo, con su correspondiente conflicto de personalidades, la ausencia de proyección de los edificios sobre el espacio urbano anexo, y sobre todo el propio descrédito que comenzaron a sufrir las instituciones con el comienzo de la Guerra Fría, frustraron esta posibilidad. La segunda fórmula conmemorativa sería el monumento de advertencia o mahnmal, que renuncia a cualquier rasgo de heroísmo o romanticismo, y se concentra simplemente en advertir de los riesgos que implica la guerra. Dicha fórmula se aplicó fundamentalmente en los países vencidos, y generalmente no por iniciativa propia, sino como imposición de los vencedores, que de alguna forma aprovechaban la ocasión para hacer examen de conciencia lejos de la opinión pública de sus respectivos países. ABSTRACT This paper explores the idea of monumentality through the analysis of the design and construction of several monuments at the end ofWorldWar II. It pays particular attention to the attempt of the Modern Movement to enter a field that had been ignored until this moment. With the assumption that a monument is primarily a mnemonic device, this thesis focuses on the thinking of sociologists like Émile Durkheim, Maurice Halbwachs, Jan Assmann or Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, with the aim of explaining the role of monuments in the creation of a collective memory which, unlike history, consists of past events selected in order to secure and celebrate the permanence of a social group. It also considers the role of monuments as elements of stability in the urban landscape that naturally get assimilated by society, since they are prominent elements in the shared spaces of daily life. These two features explain the need felt by any society for monuments, and how wars, events that endanger the structure and even the existence of that same society, generate a special tendency to build monuments to conjure that inherent danger. The reasons why the memorializing of World War II became especially problematic will be explained. Primary among them is the blurring of boundaries between the front line and the domestic front, between military and civilian targets; moreover, the depersonalization of warfare as a result of advances in technology; thirdly, the role of mass media, which for the first time in history extensively covered a war, instantly broadcasting images of such power and with such an aura of reality that conventional monuments became obsolete; fourthly, the beginning of the atomic age, which meant that mankind faced the possibility of complete destruction; and finally the Holocaust, a racial annihilation devoid of purpose and ideology, which took advantage of scientific progress to gain efficiency, manipulating technology to serve particular interests. In response to this difficulty in commemorating wars, two formulas hitherto marginal gained such popularity as to become prototypes: one was the living memorial, offering a constructive reading of the war by hosting certain practical functions of democratic, cultural or sporting nature. Living memorials presented themselves as the image of the outcome for which the war had been fought. The Modern Movement found in this formula the opportunity for tackling new projects, in which function was present but not as the determining ingredient; in turn, they would require an enhancement of language in order to account for the emotional dimension of the monument. And while there are modern buildings at this time that we can justly describe as monuments, the displacement of the focus of the theoretical debate to stylistic and expressive issues considerably limited the clarity of previous statements and the possibility of consensus. Among all living memorials, the headquarters of the United Nations Organization and its satellite agencies represented the ultimate hope of the Modern Movement to build an authentic monument. However, the group-based design process, the fight of egos it caused, the lack of presence of these buildings over the adjacent urban space, and especially the very discredit that these institutions began to suffer with the onset of the Cold War, all thwarted this expectation. The second commemorative formula was the warning monument or Mahnmal, which rejects any trace of heroism or romanticism, and simply focuses on warning about the risks of war. This formula was mainly used in defeated countries, and generally not on their own initiative, but as an imposition of the victors, which seized the opportunity to do some soul-searching far away from the public opinion of their respective countries.