5 resultados para Aspirations

em Universidad Politécnica de Madrid


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Canberra, the ?Bush Capital? of Australia, was a project torn between ambition and avoidance. For fear of upsetting Sydney or Melbourne, its location avoided larger territorial aspirations but its crystalline winning scheme was bold, and contained the promise of enlightened irradiation. Postwar Canberra, like so many other cities at the time, let its future be designed by Cold-War traffic engineers, who confidently turned dream into sprawl and highways. Although Canberra s mix of ambition and banality, of symbolic desire and structural normalcy, may be precisely what a good city is all about, it probably contains these in defective proportions. What Canberra needs is just a little more of itself, in different amounts, to a higher pressure from the inside. We can easily imagine the multiplying of the original Griffin plan, adding the city onto itself, organizing the recent sprawl with new nodes and public transport with more urban streets between them. With this reclaimed space for higher density, Canberra can then grow from the inside instead of sprawling away, lowering its expenditure on transport and its carbon and sustainability footprint. The new nodes will be denser and allow for variety and change in its programmatic design. Minor but detailed changes in street and public space design will also allow for easier multi-species (people, animals?) access to urban and natural resources. Video brief of the project: http://vimeo.com/45799435

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In 1933 public letter to Wilhelm Furtwängler, Joseph Goebbels synthesized the official understanding of the link between politics, art and society in the early steps of the Third Reich. By assuming the ethos of art, politics acquired a plastic agency to mold its objects —population and the state— as a unified entity in the form of a ‘national-popular community’ (Volksgemeinschaft); in turn, by infusing art with a political valence, it became part of a wider governmental apparatus that reshaped aesthetic discourses and practices. Similar remarks could be made about the ordering of cities and territories in this period. Dictatorial imaginations mobilized urbanism —including urban theory, urban design and planning— as a fundamental tool for social organization. Under their aegis the production of space became a moment in a wider production of society. Many authors suggest that this political-spatial nexus is intrinsic to modernity itself, beyond dictatorial regimes. In this light, I propose to use dictatorial urbanisms as an analytical opportunity to delve into some concealed features of modern urban design and planning. This chapter explores some of these aspects from a theoretical standpoint, focusing on the development of dictatorial planning mentalities and spatial rationalities and drawing links to other historical episodes in order to inscribe the former in a broader genealogy of urbanism. Needless to say, I don’t suggest that we use dictatorships as mere templates to understand modern productions of space. Instead, these cases provide a crude version of some fundamental drives in the operationalization of urbanism as an instrument of social regulation, showing how far the modern imagination of sociospatial orderings can go. Dictatorial urbanisms constituted a set of experiences where many dreams and aspirations of modern planning went to die. But not, as the conventional account would have it, because the former were the antithesis of the latter, but rather because they worked as the excess of a particular orientation of modern spatial governmentalities — namely, their focus on calculation, social engineering and disciplinary spatialities, and their attempt to subsume a wide range of everyday practices under institutional structuration by means of spatial mediations. In my opinion the interest of dictatorial urbanisms lies in their role as key regulatory episodes in a longer history of our urban present. They stand as a threshold between the advent of planning in the late 19th and early 20th century, and its final consolidation as a crucial state instrument after World War II. We need, therefore, to pay attention to these experiences vis-à-vis the alleged ‘normal’ development of the field in contemporary democratic countries in order to develop a full comprehension thereof.

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El consumo mundial, impulsor del desarrollo y crecimiento económico de los pueblos, no ha sido igual para todas las naciones, ya que sus efectos han sido diferentes para los ciudadanos de los países del Norte y los del Sur, principalmente por dos razones: una, porque han originado complejos y diferentes estilos de vida y aspiraciones, lo que ha originado grandes diferencias entre los individuos de unos y otros países, y, dos, por su falta de valores sociales y éticos. Ante esta situación, la sociedad en su conjunto debe tomar conciencia de este hecho, y a través de un consumo responsable y de un mayor conocimiento de las relaciones comerciales entre los pueblos, debe optar por consumir productos elaborados bajo criterios de justicia y equidad. Para ayudar a alcanzar estos objetivos de equidad, solidaridad, justicia y ética, nació el Comercio Justo, que, en el caso de España, llegó con veinte años de retraso en la década de los ochenta. Aunque a día de hoy sus ventas crecen a un buen ritmo, siguen siendo inferiores al resto de los países europeos, por cuatro razones: (1) el desconocimiento que la mayoría de los potenciales consumidores tienen de este movimiento social; (2) la dificultad de acceder a los productos que comercializan; (3) el poco impulso que se ofrece desde las Administraciones Públicas; y, (4) porque hay pocas investigaciones en las que se haya analizado el Comercio Justo desde la perspectiva de la demanda, lo que ha implicado que no haya un conocimiento profundo sobre los consumidores de este tipo de productos y sobre sus motivaciones de compra. En base a todo lo expuesto, el presente trabajo se concibe como un estudio exploratorio, que tiene como objetivo principal analizar el perfil de los consumidores y no consumidores de productos de Comercio Justo, sus motivaciones de compra y no compra, así como las variables que influyen en la intención de compra futura, tanto en el segmento de consumidores actuales, como en el segmento de no consumidores de este tipo de productos. Para la realización de este trabajo, se ha utilizado, por una parte, una metodología cualitativa, que ha permitido acceder a la información sobre las opiniones y actitudes que intervienen en los procesos de decisión de compra; y, por otra, una metodología cuantitativa, a través de una encuesta online dirigida a 6.500 individuos, que ha permitido tener información, a través de sendos análisis descriptivos univariante y bivariante, de los individuos encuestados sobre el objeto del estudio. Para validar los modelos y contrastar las hipótesis planteadas, se ha utilizado el análisis de fiabilidad y validación de las escalas de medición seleccionadas (Alpha de Cronbach); el análisis factorial exploratorio, para comprobar la dimensionalidad y validez convergente de las escalas de medida; el análisis factorial confirmatorio, para validar la idoneidad de los modelos de medida propuestos; la regresión logística, para comprobar la validez del modelo general de la probabilidad de la compra o no compra de productos de Comercio Justo; y la regresión lineal múltiple, para comprobar la validez de los modelos específicos de intención de compra futura en los segmentos de compradores y de no compradores. Para realizar todos estos análisis, se han utilizado las herramientas informáticas SPSS v21 y AMOS. Las principales conclusiones del trabajo son: (1) que se deben establecer unos criterios claros que definan quién es quién en el movimiento de Comercio Justo, sus fines, sus objetivos, los productos que comercializan, así como su funcionamiento y desarrollo en España; (2) que, a pesar de las grandes ventajas y posibilidades del Comercio Justo, hay una falta de demanda de estos productos por parte de los consumidores responsables, debido principalmente a la falta de información-comunicación sobre el propio movimiento, y, muy especialmente, a la falta de información sobre los productos, los canales de comercialización, las políticas de precios, las políticas de comunicación, etc., y a la necesidad de que estos productos estén accesibles en los lugares donde los consumidores hacen su compra habitual; y (3) que el Comercio Justo español debe afrontar una serie de desafíos, como son la coordinación entre las diferentes organizaciones que participan en su desarrollo; la sensibilización de los consumidores; la creación de una imagen de marca que defina de una manera clara y sencilla qué es el Comercio Justo; la orientación al cliente y no al producto; y extender la red de comercialización de productos de Comercio Justo a los canales donde los consumidores hacen su compra habitualmente. ABSTRACT Global consumption, the driver of economic growth and development of nations, is not the same for all countries, since its effects have been different on people coming from the North or the South. This is due mainly to two reasons: firstly, because they have developed complex and different lifestyles and aspirations, which have led to significant differences between individuals of one country and another and secondly, because they lack social and ethical values. Given this situation, society as a whole should be aware of this fact, and through responsible consumption and a greater knowledge of trade relations between countries, should opt for consuming products produced with criteria of justice and equity. Fair Trade began as a way to help reach these goals of equity, solidarity, justice and ethics. In the case of Spain it did not start until 20 years later, in the eighties. Although today sales of Fair Trade products are growing at a good rate, they are still below that of other European countries, for four reasons: (1) unawareness of this social movement; (2) the difficult access to these products; (3) insufficient government support; (4) the limited research carried out to analyse Fair Trade from the perspective of demand, resulting in a lack of knowledge about this type of consumer and their purchasing motivations. Based on the above, the present study is designed as an exploratory investigation, aimed at analyzing the profile of consumers and non-consumers of Fair Trade, their motivations for buying and not buying, as well as the variables which influence future purchase intention in both the current consumer segment, and the non-user segment of such products. To carry out this study we have used, on the one hand, a qualitative methodology, to obtain information about the views and attitudes involved in the purchase decision process; and on the other, a quantitative methodology, through an online survey of 6,500 individuals, which provided information through two separate univariate and bivariate descriptive analysis, of the individuals interviewed about the object of this study. To validate the models and contrast hypotheses, we have used the reliability analysis and validation of the selected measurement scales (Cronbach's Alpha); exploratory factor analysis to verify the dimensionality and convergent validity of the measurement scales; confirmatory factor analysis to validate the adequacy of the models of measurement proposed; logistic regression, to verify the validity of the general model of the probability of buying or not buying Fair Trade products; and multiple linear regression to test the validity of specific models in future purchase intention in the segments of buyers and non-buyers. To carry out these analyses, we used SPSS v21 software tools and AMOS. The principal conclusions of the investigation are: (1) the need to establish clear criteria which define who is who in the Fair Trade movement, its goals, objectives, the products they sell, as well as its operation and development in Spain; (2) that despite the great advantages and possibilities of Fair Trade, there is a lack of demand for these products by responsible consumers, mainly due to the lack of information-communication about the movement itself, and especially on the range of products, sales channels, pricing policies, communication policies, etc., and the need for these products to be available in places where consumers make their usual purchase; and (3) that Spanish Fair Trade must address a number of challenges such as: coordination between the different organizations involved in trade development; consumer awareness; creation of a brand image that defines in a clear and simple way what Fair Trade is; focus on the customer rather than the product; and expansion of the network of Fair Trade sales outlets to include the channels where consumers usually make their purchases.

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Entre 1966 y 1967 un pequeño grupo de jóvenes arquitectos recién titulados en la Facultad de Arquitectura de Florencia escenifican en dos actos programados en las ciudades de Pistoia y Módenala exposición Superarchitettura, con la que sin saberlo inauguran un corto pero intenso periodo de experimentación arquitectónica que convulsionaría Italia durante los 10 años posteriores, dinamitados por multitud de propuestas que darán lugar a la última arquitectura con aspiraciones socio-políticas responsable de un vibrante legado teórico que proclamaba la vuelta a las raíces olvidadas de la profesión y que se mostraba más preocupada por reflexionar sobre sus fundamentos que por perpetuar la práctica de un oficio ahora puesto en crisis. Ambos eventos suponen también el nacimiento simultáneo de Superstudio y Archizoom, dos de los colectivos más influyentes de la arquitectura experimental italiana de estos años, convertidos en protagonistas de un agitado periodo de transición en el que una generación estaba dando paso a la siguiente a través de la sustitución de los principios doctrinarios recibidos de la modernidad por una jugosa incertidumbre desmitificadora ligada a una nueva realidad económica, política y social que marcaría los inicios de la posmodernidad. La experiencia italiana surge aprovechando la efervescencia de un fenómeno que posteriormente algunos críticos etiquetaron como Arquitectura Radical con la intención de unificar el trabajo de un heterogéneo y atomizado grupo de arquitectos fundamentalmente europeos – individualmente comprometidos con el replanteamiento total de la definición y objetivos de la disciplina, al tiempo que participaban en una particular cruzada existencial mediante la que pretendían, si no cambiar el mundo, al menos romper la dinámica estéril de la arquitectura profesional y tecnológica heredada. La presente tesis fomenta la recuperación interesada de este breve momento radical como un ambicioso proyecto de modernización inacabado, pero no solo para analizar las causas de su precipitado final, sino sobre todo para mostrar las razones de su gran éxito internacional, convirtiendo para ello el trabajo de Superstudio, ejemplo paradigmático de la actitud crítica compartida por el resto de operadores contemporáneos, en el catalizador adecuado a partir del cual interpretar y extrapolar su legado con el fin de narrar el cambio trascendental que este episodio supuso para la práctica arquitectónica, alejándola del diseño de edificios y centrándola en la adopción y aplicación de multitud de actividades no tectónicas en un intento por separarse de lo que era percibido como una disciplina corrupta. A lo largo de su corta carrera en común, los seis miembros de Superstudio sustituyeron la construcción convencional por la explotación intensiva de medios alternativos desde el diseño de mobiliario e iluminación y algunos experimentos en torno a la “arquitectura eléctrica”, hasta la expansión mediática de su trabajo a través de revistas, películas, exposiciones y conferencias contribuyendo así a una provocativa destrucción y posterior expansión de los límites dentro de los que hasta ese momento se había mantenido cómodamente instalada la arquitectura. Esta investigación descubre la trascendencia de considerar aquello que ocupó gran parte de la actividad de Superstudio y de sus colegas radicales (muebles, revistas, instalaciones, películas, labor teórica y docente, etc.) como nuevas formas de arquitectura con las que construir un nuevo lenguaje crítico, en un intento por contribuir a renovar y reforzar la relevancia y responsabilidad social de una profesión llamada a expandirse más allá de lo construido para nutrirse e interactuar con todos los ámbitos de nuestro entorno diario. ABSTRACT Between 1966 and 1967 a small group of newly qualified young architects from the Faculty of Architecture of Florence staged in two events planned in the cities of Pistoia and Modena the Superarchitettura exhibition, with which unwittingly inaugurated a short but intense period of architectural experimentation that convulse Italy during the following 10 years, blown up by a multitude of proposals that will result in the latest architecture with socio political aspirations responsible for a vibrant theoretical legacy proclaiming a return to forgotten roots of the profession and that was more concerned with reflect on its fundamentals than perpetuate the practice of a profession now put into crisis. Both events also involve the simultaneous birth of Superstudio and Archizoom, two of the most influential groups of Italian experimental architecture of these years, turned into protagonists of an hectic period of transition in which a generation was giving way to the next through replacing the received doctrinal principles of modernity by a juicy demystifying uncertainty linked to a new reality economic, political and social that would mark the beginning of postmodernism. The Italian experience arises taking advantage of the commotion of a phenomenon that later some critics labeled as Radical Architecture with the intention of unifying the work of a diverse and fragmented group of architects mainly European individually committed to the total rethinking of the definition and objectives of the discipline, while participating in a particular existential crusade with which they sought to, if not change the world, at least break out of the sterile dynamic of professional and technological architecture inherited. This doctoral thesis promotes an interested recovery of in this short radical time as an ambitious modernization project unfinished, but not only to analyze the causes of its precipitous end, but above all to show the reasons for it’s international success, turning the work of Superstudio, a paradigmatic example of the critical attitude shared by the rest of contemporary operators, into the suitable catalyst from which to interpret and extrapolate it’s legacy in order to recount the significant change that this episode marked for architectural practice, moving it away from building and focusing it on the adoption and implementation of many nonLtectonic activities in an attempt to separate from what was perceived as a corrupt discipline. Throughout their short career in common, the six members of Superstudio replaced conventional construction by intensive exploitation of alternative means L from furniture and lighting design and some experiments around the "electric architecture", to the media expansion of their work through magazines, films, exhibitions and lectures thus contributing to a provocative destruction and subsequent expansion of the limits within which architecture had remained ensconced until then. This dissertation finds out the importance of considering what occupied much of the activity of Superstudio and their radical colleagues (furniture, magazines, installations, films, theoretical and educational work, etc.) as new forms of architecture that build a new critical language, in an attempt to help renew and reinforce the relevance and social responsibility of a profession call to expand beyond the built to nourish and interact with all areas of our everyday environment.

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En la victoriosa América de la posguerra, origen de la nueva configuración del mundo occidental, surgió una singular obra que iba a representar la abstracción de los valores universales de la arquitectura moderna. La construcción de la Lever House en el Nueva York de 1950 no sólo iba a propiciar un punto de inflexión en la Historia del rascacielos y de la arquitectura corporativa americana, definiría a su vez un nuevo paradigma a partir del cual se establecerían generalizados modelos para la construcción del futuro. La oportuna confluencia entre los acentos pragmáticos del mundo capitalista americano y las formulaciones positivistas de la arquitectura moderna europea, convenientemente recogidas como manifiesto construído del Estilo Internacional, supusieron resolver de manera definitiva el prolongado dilema americano de cómo debería ser la adecuada representación del edificio corporativo moderno. El estudio se detendrá en el valor de la metáfora, la conversación y la oportunidad de una obra cuya proyección trascendió ampliamente las aspiraciones de sus creadores. Provocando una fuerte idealización que llegaría hasta nuestros días. ABSTRACT In the postwar victorious America, origin of the new configuration of the Western World, a unique work will represent the abstraction of the universal values of modern architecture. The construction of the Lever House in the New York of 1950 would not only bring about a turning point in the history of American skyscrapers and corporate architecture, in turn define a new paradigm from which generalized models for building the future. The timely confluence between pragmatic accents of the American capitalist world and the positivistic formulations of the modern European architecture, conveniently collected as constructed manifesto of the International Style, definitively accounted to resolve that old American dilemma of how should be the adequate representation of the Modern corporate building. The study will focus on the value of metaphor, conversation and the opportunity of a work whose projection widely transcended the aspirations of its creators. Causing an strong idealization would reach to nowadays.