Variable-density jet flows induced by concentrated sources of momentum and energy

The planar and axisymmetric variable-density flows induced in a quiescent gas by a concentrated source of momentum that is simultaneously either a source or a sink of energy are investigated for application to the description of the velocity and temperature far fields in laminar gaseous jets with either large or small values of the initial jet-to-ambient temperature ratio. The source fluxes of momentum and heat are used to construct the characteristic scales of velocity and length in the region where the density differences are of the order of the ambient density, which is slender for the large values of the Reynolds number considered herein. The problem reduces to the integration of the dimensionless boundary-layer conservation equations, giving a solution that depends on the gas transport properties but is otherwise free of parameters. The boundary conditions at the jet exit for integration are obtained by analysing the self-similar flow that appears near the heat source in planar and axisymmetric configurations and also near the heat sink in the planar case. Numerical integrations of the boundary-layer equations with these conditions give solutions that describe accurately the velocity and temperature fields of very hot planar and round jets and also of very cold plane jets in the far field region where the density and temperature differences are comparable to the ambient values. Simple scaling arguments indicate that the point source description does not apply, however, to cold round jets, whose far field region is not large compared with the jet development region, as verified by numerical integrations

Source terms for calculations of vaporizing and burning fuel sprays with non-unity Lewis numbers in gases with temperature-dependent thermal conductivities

Liquid-fueled burners are used in a number of propulsion devices ranging from internal combustion engines to gas turbines. The structure of spray flames is quite complex and involves a wide range of time and spatial scales in both premixed and non-premixed modes (Williams 1965; Luo et al. 2011). A number of spray-combustion regimes can be observed experimentally in canonical scenarios of practical relevance such as counterflow diffusion flames (Li 1997), as sketched in figure 1, and for which different microscalemodelling strategies are needed. In this study, source terms for the conservation equations are calculated for heating, vaporizing and burning sprays in the single-droplet combustion regime. The present analysis provides extended formulation for source terms, which include non-unity Lewis numbers and variable thermal conductivities.

Life cycle assessment of concentrated solar power (CSP) and the influence of hybridising with natural gas

Purpose Concentrating Solar Power (CSP) plants based on parabolic troughs utilize auxiliary fuels (usually natural gas) to facilitate start-up operations, avoid freezing of HTF and increase power output. This practice has a significant effect on the environmental performance of the technology. The aim of this paper is to quantify the sustainability of CSP and to analyse how this is affected by hybridisation with different natural gas (NG) inputs. Methods A complete Life Cycle (LC) inventory was gathered for a commercial wet-cooled 50 MWe CSP plant based on parabolic troughs. A sensitivity analysis was conducted to evaluate the environmental performance of the plant operating with different NG inputs (between 0 and 35% of gross electricity generation). ReCiPe Europe (H) was used as LCA methodology. CML 2 baseline 2000 World and ReCiPe Europe E were used for comparative purposes. Cumulative Energy Demands (CED) and Energy Payback Times (EPT) were also determined for each scenario. Results and discussion Operation of CSP using solar energy only produced the following environmental profile: climate change 26.6 kg CO2 eq/KWh, human toxicity 13.1 kg 1,4-DB eq/KWh, marine ecotoxicity 276 g 1,4-DB eq/KWh, natural land transformation 0.005 m2/KWh, eutrophication 10.1 g P eq/KWh, acidification 166 g SO2 eq/KWh. Most of these impacts are associated with extraction of raw materials and manufacturing of plant components. The utilization NG transformed the environmental profile of the technology, placing increasing weight on impacts related to its operation and maintenance. Significantly higher impacts were observed on categories like climate change (311 kg CO2 eq/MWh when using 35 % NG), natural land transformation, terrestrial acidification and fossil depletion. Despite its fossil nature, the use of NG had a beneficial effect on other impact categories (human and marine toxicity, freshwater eutrophication and natural land transformation) due to the higher electricity output achieved. The overall environmental performance of CSP significantly deteriorated with the use of NG (single score 3.52 pt in solar only operation compared to 36.1 pt when using 35 % NG). Other sustainability parameters like EPT and CED also increased substantially as a result of higher NG inputs. Quasilinear second-degree polynomial relationships were calculated between various environmental performance parameters and NG contributions. Conclusions Energy input from auxiliary NG determines the environmental profile of the CSP plant. Aggregated analysis shows a deleterious effect on the overall environmental performance of the technology as a result of NG utilization. This is due primarily to higher impacts on environmental categories like climate change, natural land transformation, fossil fuel depletion and terrestrial acidification. NG may be used in a more sustainable and cost-effective manner in combined cycle power plants, which achieve higher energy conversion efficiencies.

Environmental analysis of a Concentrated Solar Power (CSP) plant hybridised with different fossil and renewable fuels

The environmental performance of a 50 MW parabolic trough Concentrated Solar Power (CSP) plant hybridised with different fuels was determined using a Life Cycle Assessment methodology. Six different scenarios were investigated, half of which involved hybridisation with fossil fuels (natural gas, coal and fuel oil), and the other three involved hybridisation with renewable fuels (wheat straw, wood pellets and biogas). Each scenario was compared to a solar-only operation. Nine different environmental categories as well as the Cumulative Energy Demand and the Energy Payback Time (EPT) were evaluated using Simapro software for 1 MWh of electricity produced. The results indicate a worse environmental performance for a CSP plant producing 12% of the electricity from fuel than in a solar-only operation for every indicator, except for the eutrophication and toxicity categories, whose results for the natural gas scenario are slightly better. In the climate change category, the results ranged between 26.9 and 187 kg CO2 eq/MWh, where a solar-only operation had the best results and coal hybridisation had the worst. Considering a weighted single score indicator, the environmental impact of the renewable fuels scenarios is approximately half of those considered in fossil fuels, with the straw scenario showing the best results, and the coal scenario the worstones. EPT for solar-only mode is 1.44 years, while hybridisation scenarios EPT vary in a range of 1.72 -1.83 years for straw and pellets respectively. The fuels with more embodied energy are biomethane and wood pellets.

Hybridizing concentrated solar power (CSP) with biogas and biomethane as an alternative to natural gas: Analysis of environmental performance using LCA

Concentrating Solar Power (CSP) plants typically incorporate one or various auxiliary boilers operating in parallel to the solar field to facilitate start up operations, provide system stability, avoid freezing of heat transfer fluid (HTF) and increase generation capacity. The environmental performance of these plants is highly influenced by the energy input and the type of auxiliary fuel, which in most cases is natural gas (NG). Replacing the NG with biogas or biomethane (BM) in commercial CSP installations is being considered as a means to produce electricity that is fully renewable and free from fossil inputs. Despite their renewable nature, the use of these biofuels also generates environmental impacts that need to be adequately identified and quantified. This paper investigates the environmental performance of a commercial wet-cooled parabolic trough 50 MWe CSP plant in Spain operating according to two strategies: solar-only, with minimum technically viable energy non-solar contribution; and hybrid operation, where 12 % of the electricity derives from auxiliary fuels (as permitted by Spanish legislation). The analysis was based on standard Life Cycle Assessment (LCA) methodology (ISO 14040-14040). The technical viability and the environmental profile of operating the CSP plant with different auxiliary fuels was evaluated, including: NG; biogas from an adjacent plant; and BM withdrawn from the gas network. The effect of using different substrates (biowaste, sewage sludge, grass and a mix of biowaste with animal manure) for the production of the biofuels was also investigated. The results showed that NG is responsible for most of the environmental damage associated with the operation of the plant in hybrid mode. Replacing NG with biogas resulted in a significant improvement of the environmental performance of the installation, primarily due to reduced impact in the following categories: natural land transformation, depletion of fossil resources, and climate change. However, despite the renewable nature of the biofuels, other environmental categories like human toxicity, eutrophication, acidification and marine ecotoxicity scored higher when using biogas and BM.

Selecting crop models for decision making in wheat insurance

In crop insurance, the accuracy with which the insurer quantifies the actual risk is highly dependent on the availability on actual yield data. Crop models might be valuable tools to generate data on expected yields for risk assessment when no historical records are available. However, selecting a crop model for a specific objective, location and implementation scale is a difficult task. A look inside the different crop and soil modules to understand how outputs are obtained might facilitate model choice. The objectives of this paper were (i) to assess the usefulness of crop models to be used within a crop insurance analysis and design and (ii) to select the most suitable crop model for drought risk assessment in semi-arid regions in Spain. For that purpose first, a pre-selection of crop models simulating wheat yield under rainfed growing conditions at the field scale was made, and second, four selected models (Aquacrop, CERES- Wheat, CropSyst and WOFOST) were compared in terms of modelling approaches, process descriptions and model outputs. Outputs of the four models for the simulation of winter wheat growth are comparable when water is not limiting, but differences are larger when simulating yields under rainfed conditions. These differences in rainfed yields are mainly related to the dissimilar simulated soil water availability and the assumed linkages with dry matter formation. We concluded that for the simulation of winter wheat growth at field scale in such semi-arid conditions, CERES-Wheat and CropSyst are preferred. WOFOST is a satisfactory compromise between data availability and complexity when detail data on soil is limited. Aquacrop integrates physiological processes in some representative parameters, thus diminishing the number of input parameters, what is seen as an advantage when observed data is scarce. However, the high sensitivity of this model to low water availability limits its use in the region considered. Contrary to the use of ensembles of crop models, we endorse that efforts be concentrated on selecting or rebuilding a model that includes approaches that better describe the agronomic conditions of the regions in which they will be applied. The use of such complex methodologies as crop models is associated with numerous sources of uncertainty, although these models are the best tools available to get insight in these complex agronomic systems.

El recorrido: evaluación de las cualidades sensoriales y formales del medio urbano como parte de los criterios de caminabilidad. La ciudad de Taipei como caso de estudio

La presente investigación aborda el análisis de las cualidades del entorno urbano que inciden en la experiencia perceptiva de su recorrido. Los intereses que la motivan tienen que ver con la recuperación de la ciudad para el viandante y se sitúa dentro de un marco de intereses más amplio como es el de la ciudad sostenible. En primer lugar, se contextualiza el tema de la experiencia del recorrido a través de disciplinas diferentes como son el cine, la literatura, la arquitectura, el urbanismo, la arquitectura del paisaje, la psicología y la estética ambiental. De este modo, se refuerza el argumento en torno al papel que desempeñan la forma y otros estímulos sensoriales en la experiencia del espacio, ya sea éste urbano, arquitectónico o natural. La experiencia que las personas viven al desplazarse por un entorno viene definida por infinitos factores que van desde la configuración física del entorno recorrido, hasta el aprendizaje cultural de la persona que camina; desde los estímulos sensoriales que se reciben, hasta las condiciones físicas que posibilitan la funcionalidad del recorrido; desde las sutilezas de índole secuencial que se desvelan a medida que avanzamos, hasta las condiciones higrotérmicas en el momento en que se lleva a cabo el desplazamiento. Sin embargo, factores como las motivaciones y atenciones personales del que anda, así como sus recuerdos de experiencias anteriores, deseos, imaginación y estado de ánimo, también definen nuestra experiencia al caminar que, indudablemente, se encuentra ligada a nuestra personalidad y, por lo tanto, no puede ser exacta a la de otra persona. Conscientes de que todos estos factores se funden en un fenómeno global, y que no se dan en la vida por separado, nos hemos esforzado por independizar las cualidades sensoriales y formales, únicamente a efectos de investigación. La importancia del tema a investigar reside en las conexiones que existen entre las cualidades del medio construido y la experiencia cotidiana de su recorrido, en la medida en que dicha vinculación establece relaciones con la calidad de vida, la salud de los ciudadanos y sus sentimientos de identidad. En este sentido, el problema clave encontrado es que si la definición de la experiencia del recorrido urbano es demasiado amplia, se vuelve nebulosa e inoperativa, pero si se precisa demasiado, se pueden excluir variables importantes. Hemos concentrado nuestros esfuerzos en buscar un medio que permita hacer operativo el estudio de aspectos que, por su propia naturaleza, son difíciles de controlar y aplicar en la práctica. En este sentido, el campo de estudio que aúna interés en el tema, producción científica y vocación práctica, es el de la caminabilidad de las ciudades. Por esta razón, hemos situado nuestro trabajo dentro del marco de criterios que este campo establece para valorar un entorno caminable. Sin embargo, hemos detectado que los trabajos sobre caminabilidad tienden a desarrollarse dentro de la disciplina del planeamiento de transporte y, con frecuencia, siguiendo las mismas pautas que la investigación sobre el transporte motorizado. Además, la tendencia a proporcionar datos numéricos producto de la medición controlada de variables, para respaldar iniciativas dentro de los ámbitos de toma de decisiones, lleva consigo un progresivo alejamiento de los aspectos más sutiles y próximos de la experiencia de las personas y la especificidad de los lugares. Por estas razones, hemos estimado necesario profundizar en la experiencia peatonal explorando otras líneas de trabajo como son la habitabilidad de las ciudades, políticas llevadas a cabo para mejorar la calidad del espacio público o las certificaciones de sostenibilidad en el ámbito del urbanismo. También se han estudiado las aproximaciones gráficas a la representación y simulación de recorridos urbanos por su importancia en la comunicación y promoción de caminar. Para detectar las problemáticas implicadas en la definición de una herramienta que permita valorar, de manera operativa, la calidad de la experiencia del recorrido urbano, la metodología de valoración propuesta se ha basado en la combinación de distintos métodos y en la conjugación de tres aproximaciones: valoración por parte del investigador en calidad de experto, valoración realizada por el investigador en el papel de usuario y valoración por el ciudadano. El desarrollo de esta investigación se ha visto condicionado por la intención de aplicar lo estudiado en un caso práctico. El marco de criterios que los trabajos sobre caminabilidad de las ciudades establecen para que se dé un entorno caminable, se puede resumir en que concurran los siguientes factores: mezcla de usos, densidad de población y edificación relativamente altas, destinos públicos accesibles a pie, un alto grado de seguridad con respecto al tráfico y actos delictivos, alta funcionalidad (dimensiones, pendientes, etc.) y atractivo. Una vez definido el modelo de ciudad en que es pertinente realizar una investigación sobre las cualidades del entorno urbano responsables de que éste se perciba como atractivo, se escogió la ciudad de Taipei, entre otras razones, por cumplir con los requisitos restantes. Con respecto al caso práctico, el objetivo es detectar fortalezas y debilidades del área central de la ciudad de Taipei en cuanto a la experiencia perceptiva que proporciona a los viandantes. ABSTRACT This research addresses the analysis of the qualities of the urban environment that affect the perceptual experience of walking. The interests lying behind it are related to the recovery of the city for pedestrians, and is framed within the sustainable city framework of interests. Firstly, the issue of the experience of walking is contextualized through different disciplines such as film, literature, architecture, urban planning, landscape architecture, environmental psychology and aesthetics. This way, the argument about the role that form and other sensory stimuli play in the experience of space, whether it is urban, architectural or natural, is strengthened. The walking experience of people is defined by factors ranging from the physical configuration of the environment to the cultural background of the person who walks, from the sensory stimuli that are perceived to the physical conditions that enable the functionality of the walk, from the subtleties of sequential nature that are revealed as we move around to hygrothermal conditions at the specific time of walking. Nevertheless, factors such as personal motivations and attentions of the walker, as well as memories of past experiences, desires, imagination and mood, also define our walking experience that is undoubtedly linked to our personality and, therefore, it cannot be exactly the same as other people's experience. Being aware that all these factors come together in a total phenomenon and that, in real life, they do not exist separately, we focused on separating sensory and formal qualities only for research purposes. The importance of the research topic lies in the connections between the qualities of the built environment and the quotidian experience of walking through it, to the extent that such link establishes relationships with the quality of life, health and feelings of identity of citizens. In this sense, the key problem encountered is that, if the definition of urban walking experience is too broad, it becomes nebulous and non‐operational, but if it is too precise, important variables can be excluded. We concentrated our efforts on finding a way to operationalize the study of questions that, by their very nature, are difficult to control and apply in practice. In this regard, the field of study that combines interest in the topic, scientific production and practical purpose, is the walkability of cities. For this reason, we placed our work within the framework of the set of criteria that this field establishes for assessing an environment as walkable. However, we found that works on walkability tend to be developed within the discipline of transportation planning and often following the same guidelines that research on motorized transport. Furthermore, the tendency to provide numerical data as a result of the controlled measurement of variables in order to support initiatives in decision making areas, involves a progressive distancing from the proximity and the most subtle aspects of the experience of people, and from the specificity of places. For these reasons, we considered it was necessary to deepen into the study of pedestrians experience, by exploring other lines of work such as the livability of cities, implemented policies to improve the quality of the public space or sustainability certifications in urbanism. Graphic representation and simulation of urban walks are also studied due to their important role in communication and promotion of walking. In order to find the issues involved in defining a tool to assess, in an operational way, the quality of urban walking experience, the proposed assessment methodology is based on the combination of different methods and the synthesis of three approaches: assessment by the researcher as expert, assessment by the researcher playing the role of user and assessment by the citizens. The development of this research has been conditioned by our intention of applying it in a case study. The framework of criteria that works on walkability of cities set to define a walkable environment, can be summarized in the following factors: mix of uses, population and building density rather high, public destinations accessible on foot, high levels of safety in terms of traffic and crime, high functionality (dimensions, slopes, etc.) and attractiveness. After defining the model of city in which it is relevant to conduct an investigation on the qualities that are responsible of the attractiveness of the environment; Taipei City was selected because it meets the remaining requirements, among other reasons. Regarding the case study, the goal is to identify strengths and weaknesses in the central area of Taipei City in terms of the perceptual experience of pedestrians.

La Ordenación del Territorio en las Ciudades Globales Europeas: El caso de Madrid

En la Comunidad de Madrid el modelo de ocupación del territorio en las dos últimas décadas ha obedecido a factores de oferta del mercado y no a las necesidades de la población, ello provoca un consumo de suelo y de recursos que conducen a una sobrexplotación insostenible. Las metrópolis globales están experimentando rápidas e intensas transformaciones, basadas en los paradigmas emergentes de la globalización, la gobernanza, la metropolizacion y la dispersión de las actividades en el territorio y a través de ellos se abordan los planes de Londres, París y las tentativas de Madrid. La globalización provoca la pérdida de soberanía de las administraciones publicas y la competitividad entre las ciudades globales en Europa, Londres, Paris y Madrid, son centros de poder, de concentración y crecimiento donde se produce la dualización del espacio y donde la desigualdad participa de la restructuración urbana, concentración de pobreza frente a espacios de la nueva clase emergente en donde dominan los sectores de servicios y las tecnologías de la información. Frente al desarrollo urbano neoliberal de regulación a través del mercado y basada en criterios de eficiencia de la Nueva Gestión Pública, se vislumbra la posibilidad de que la sociedad se administre a si misma por medio de acciones voluntarias y responsables que promuevan los intereses colectivos mediante el reconocimiento de su propia identidad, introduciendo el concepto de gobernanza. Frente, a la explotación del territorio por parte de la sociedad extractiva que genera corrupcion, se propone un modelo de cooperación público-privada basado en la confianza mutua, un marco regulador estable, la transparencia y la información a cuyo flujo más homogéneo contribuirán sin duda las TICs. En todo este proceso, las regiones metropolitanas en Europa se erigen como motores del crecimiento, donde los límites administrativos son superados, en un territorio cada vez más extendido y donde los gobiernos locales tienen que organizarse mediante un proceso de cooperación en la provisión de servicios que ayuden a evitar los desequilibrios territoriales. El fenómeno de la dispersión urbana en desarrollos de baja densidad, los centros comerciales periféricos, la expulsión hacia la periferia de las actividades de menor valor añadido y la concentración de funciones directivas en el centro, conducen a una fragmentación del territorio en islas dependientes del automóvil y a procesos de exclusión social por la huida de las rentas altas y la expulsión de las rentas bajas de los centros urbanos. Se crean fragmentos monofuncionales y discontinuos, apoyados en las autovías, lugares carentes de identidad y generadores de despilfarro de recursos y una falta de sostenibilidad ambiental, económica y social. El estudio de la cultura de la planificación en Europa ayuda a comprender los diferentes enfoques en la ordenación del territorio y el proceso de convergencia entre las diferentes regiones. Los documentos de la UE se basan en la necesidad de la competitividad para el crecimiento europeo y la cohesión social y en relación al territorio en los desarrollos policéntricos, la resolución del dualismo campo-ciudad, el acceso equilibrado a las infraestructuras, la gestión prudente de la naturaleza, el patrimonio y el fomento de la identidad. Se proponen dos niveles de estudio uno actual, los últimos planes de Londres y Paris y el otro la evolución de las tentativas de planes en la Región madrileña siempre en relación a los paradigmas emergentes señalados y su reflejo en los documentos. El Plan de Londres es estratégico, con una visión a largo plazo, donde se confiere un gran interés al proceso, al papel del alcalde como líder y su adaptación a las circunstancias cambiantes, sujeto a las incertidumbres de una ciudad global. El desarrollo del mismo se concibe a través de la colaboración y cooperación entre las administraciones y actores. La estructura del documento es flexible, establece orientaciones y guías indicativas, para la redacción de los planes locales, no siendo las mismas vinculantes y con escasa representación grafica. El Plan de París es más un plan físico, similar al de otros centros europeos, trabaja sobre los sectores y sobre los territorios, con información extensa, con características de “Plan Latino” por la fuerza de la expresión gráfica, pero al mismo tiempo contiene una visión estratégica. Es vinculante en sus determinaciones y normativas, se plantea fomentar, pero también prohibir. Ambos planes tratan la competitividad internacional de sus centros urbanos, la igualdad social, la inclusión de todos los grupos sociales y la vivienda como una cuestión de dignidad humana. Londres plantea la gobernanza como cooperación entre sector público-privado y la necesaria cooperación con las regiones limítrofes, en París las relaciones están más institucionalizadas resaltando la colaboración vertical entre administraciones. Ambos plantean la densificación de nodos servidos por transporte público, modos blandos y el uso los TODs y la preservación de la infraestructura verde jerarquizada, la potenciación de la red azul y la mejora del paisaje de las periferias. En las “tentativas” de planes territoriales de Madrid se constata que estuvieron sujetas a los ciclos económicos. El primer Documento las DOT del año 1984, no planteaba crecimiento, ni económico ni demográfico, a medio plazo y por ello no proponía una modificación del modelo radio concéntrico. Se trataba de un Plan rígido volcado en la recuperación del medio rural, de la ciudad, el dimensionamiento de los crecimientos en función de las dotaciones e infraestructuras existentes. Aboga por la intervención de la administración pública y la promoción del pequeño comercio. Destaca el desequilibrio social en función de la renta, la marginación de determinados grupos sociales, el desequilibrio residencia/empleo y la excesiva densidad. Incide en la necesidad de viviendas para los más desfavorecidos mediante el alquiler, la promoción suelo público y la promoción del ferrocarril para dar accesibilidad al espacio central. Aboga por el equipamiento de proximidad y de pequeño tamaño, el tratamiento paisajístico de los límites urbanos de los núcleos y el control de las actividades ilegales señalando orientaciones para el planeamiento urbano. Las Estrategias (1989) contienen una visión: la modificación del modelo territorial, mediante la intervención pública a través de proyectos. Plantea la reestructuración económica del territorio, la reconversión del aparato productivo, la deslocalización de actividades de escaso valor añadido y una mayor ubicuidad de la actividad económica. Incide en la difusión de la centralidad hacia el territorio del sur, equilibrándolo con el norte, tratando de recomponer empleo y residencia, integrando al desarrollo económico las periferias entre sí y con el centro. Las actuaciones de transporte consolidarían las actuaciones, modificando el modelo radio concéntrico facilitando la movilidad mediante la red de cercanías y la intermodalidad. El plan se basaba en el liderazgo del Consejero, no integrando sectores como el medio ambiente, ni estableciendo un documento de seguimiento de las actuaciones que evaluara los efectos de las políticas y su aportación al equilibrio territorial, a través de los proyectos realizados. El Documento Preparatorio de las Bases (1995), es más de un compendio o plan de planes, recoge análisis y propuestas de los documentos anteriores y de planes sectoriales de otros departamentos. Presenta una doble estructura: un plan físico integrador clásico, que abarca los sectores y territorios, y recoge las Estrategias previas añadiendo puntos fuertes, como el malestar urbano y la rehabilitación el centro. Plantea la consecución del equilibrio ambiental mediante el crecimiento de las ciudades existentes, la vertebración territorial basada en la movilidad y en la potenciación de nuevas centralidades, la mejora de la habitabilidad y rehabilitación integral del Centro Urbano de Madrid, y la modernización del tejido productivo existente. No existe una idea-fuerza que aglutine todo el documento, parte del reconocimiento de un modelo existente concentrado y congestivo, un centro urbano dual y dos periferias al este y sur con un declive urbano y obsolescencia productiva y al oeste y norte con una dispersión que amenaza al equilibrio medioambiental. Señala como aspectos relevantes, la creciente polarización y segregación social, la deslocalización industrial, la aparición de las actividades de servicios a las empresas instaladas en las áreas metropolitanas, y la dispersión de las actividades económicas en el territorio por la banalización del uso del automóvil. Se plantea el reto de hacer ciudad de la extensión suburbana y su conexión con el sistema metropolitano, mediante una red de ciudades integrada y complementaria, en búsqueda de un mayor equilibrio y solidaridad territorial. Las Bases del PRET (1997) tenían como propósito iniciar el proceso de concertación en que debe basarse la elaboración del Plan. Parte de la ciudad mediterránea compacta, y diversa, y de la necesidad de que las actividades económicas, los servicios y la residencia estén en proximidad, resolviéndolo mediante una potente red de transporte público que permitiese una accesibilidad integrada al territorio. El flujo de residencia hacia la periferia, con un modelo ajeno de vivienda unifamiliar y la concentración del empleo en el centro producen desequilibrio territorial. Madrid manifiesta siempre apostó por la densificación del espacio central urbanizado, produciendo su congestión, frente al desarrollo de nuevos suelos que permitieran su expansión territorial. Precisa que es necesario preservar los valores de centralidad de Madrid, como generador de riqueza, canalizando toda aquella demanda de centralidad, hacia espacios más periféricos. El problema de la vivienda no lo ve solo como social, sino como económico, debido a la pérdida de empleos que supone su paralización. Observa ya los crecimientos residenciales en el borde de la region por el menor valor del suelo. Plantea como la política de oferta ha dado lugar a un modelo de crecimiento fragmentado, desequilibrado, desestructurado, con fuertes déficits dotacionales y de equipamiento, que inciden en la segregación espacial de las rentas, agravando el proceso de falta de identidad morfológica y de desarraigo de los valores urbanos. El plan señalaba que la presión sobre el territorio creaba su densificación por las limitaciones de espacio, Incidía en limitar el peso de la intervención pública, no planteando propuestas de cooperación público-privado. La mayor incoherencia estriba en que los objetivos eran innovadores y coinciden en su mayoría con las propuestas estudiadas de Londres o Paris, pero se intentan implementar a través de un cambio hacia un modelo reticulado homogéneo, expansivo sobre el territorio, que supone un consumo de suelo y de infraestructuras para solucionar un problema inexistente, la gestión de la densidad. Durante las dos últimas décadas en ausencia de un plan regional, la postura neoliberal fue la de un exclusivo control de legalidad del planeamiento, los municipios entraron en un proceso de competencia para aprovechar las iniciales ventajas económicas de los crecimientos detectados, que proporcionaban una base económica “sólida” a unos municipios con escasos recursos en sus presupuestos municipales. La legislación se modifica a requerimiento de grupos interesados, no existiendo un marco estable. Se pierde la figura del plan no solo a nivel regional, si no en los sectores y el planeamiento municipal donde los municipios tiende a basarse en modificaciones puntuales con la subsiguiente pérdida del modelo urbanístico. La protección ambiental se estructura mediante un extenso nivel de figuras, con diversidad de competencias que impide su efectiva protección y control. Este proceso produce un despilfarro en la ocupación del suelo, apoyada en las infraestructuras viarias, y un crecimiento disperso y de baja densidad, cada vez más periférico, produciéndose una segmentación social por dualización del espacio en función de niveles de renta. Al amparo del boom inmobiliario, se produce una falta de política social de vivienda pública, más basada en la dinamización del mercado con producción de viviendas para rentas medias que en políticas de alquiler para determinados grupos concentrándose estas en los barrios desfavorecidos y en la periferia sur. Se produce un incremento de la vivienda unifamiliar, muchas veces amparada en políticas públicas, la misma se localiza en el oeste principalmente, en espacios de valor como el entorno del Guadarrama o con viviendas más baratas por la popularización de la tipología en la frontera de la Región. El territorio se especializa a modo de islas monofuncionales, las actividades financieras y de servicios avanzados a las empresas se localizan en el norte y oeste próximo, se pierde actividad industrial que se dispersa más al sur, muchas veces fuera de la región. Se incrementan los grandes centros comerciales colgados de las autovías y sin población en su entorno. Todo este proceso ha provocado una pérdida de utilización del transporte público y un aumento significativo del uso del vehículo privado. En la dos últimas décadas se ha producido en la región de Madrid desequilibrio territorial y segmentación social, falta de implicación de la sociedad en el territorio, dispersión del crecimiento y un incremento de los costes ambientales, sociales y económicos, situación, que solo, a través del uso racional del territorio se puede reconducir, apoyado en una planificación integrada sensible y participativa. ABSTRACT In Madrid the model of land occupation in the past two decades has been driven by market supply factors rather than the needs of the population. This results in a consumption of land and resources that leads to unsustainable overexploitation. Addressing this issue must be done through sensitive and participatory integrated planning. Global cities are experiencing rapid and intense change based on the emerging paradigms of globalization, governance, metropolization and the dispersion of activities in the territory. Through this context, a closer look will be taken at the London and Paris plans as well as the tentative plans of Madrid. Globalization causes the loss of state sovereignty and the competitiveness among global cities in Europe; London, Paris and Madrid. These are centres of power, concentration and growth where the duality of space is produced, and where inequality plays a part in urban restructuration. There are concentrated areas of poverty versus areas with a new emerging class where the services sector and information technologies are dominant. The introduction of ICTs contributes to a more homogeneous flow of information leading, us to the concept of governance. Against neoliberal urban development based on free market regulations and efficiency criteria as established by the “New Public Management”, emerge new ways where society administers itself through voluntary and responsible actions to promote collective interests by recognizing their own identity. A new model of public-private partnerships surfaces that is based on mutual trust, transparency, information and a stable regulatory framework in light of territorial exploitation by the “extractive society” that generates corruption. Throughout this process, European metropolitan regions become motors of growth where administrative boundaries are overcome in an ever expanding territory where government is organized through cooperative processes to provide services that protect against regional imbalances. Urban sprawl or low-density development as seen in peripheral shopping centres, the off-shoring of low added-value activities to the periphery, and the concentration of business and top management functions in the centre, leads to a fragmentation of the territory in automobile dependent islands and a process of social exclusion brought on by the disappearance of high incomes. Another effect is the elimination of low income populations from urban centres. In consequence, discontinuous expansions and mono-functional places that lack identity materialize supported by a highway network and high resource consumption. Studying the culture of urban planning in Europe provides better insight into different approaches to spatial planning and the process of convergence between different regions. EU documents are based on the need of competitiveness for European growth and social cohesion. In relation to polycentric development territory they are based on a necessity to solve the dualism between field and city, balanced access to infrastructures, prudent management of nature and solidifying heritage and identity Two levels of study unfold, the first being the current plans of London and Île-de-France and the second being the evolution of tentative plans for the Madrid region as related to emerging paradigms and how this is reflected in documents. The London Plan is strategic with a long-term vision that focuses on operation, the role of the mayor as a pivotal leader, and the adaptability to changing circumstances brought on by the uncertainties of a global city. Its development is conceived through collaboration and cooperation between governments and stakeholders. The document structure is flexible, providing guidance and indicative guidelines on how to draft local plans so they are not binding, and it contains scarce graphic representation. The Plan of Paris takes on a more physical form and is similar to plans of other European centres. It emphasizes sectors and territories, using extensive information, and is more characteristic of a “Latin Plan” as seen in its detailed graphic expression. However, it also contains a strategic vision. Binding in its determinations and policy, it proposes advancement but also prohibition. Both plans address the international competitiveness of urban centres, social equality, inclusion of all social groups and housing as issues of human dignity. London raises governance and cooperation between public and private sector and the need for cooperation with neighbouring regions. In Paris, the relations are more institutionalized highlighting vertical collaboration between administrations. Both propose nodes of densification served by public transportation, soft modes and the use of TOD, the preservation of a hierarchical green infrastructure, and enhancing the landscape in urban peripheries. The tentative territorial plans for the Madrid region provide evidence that they were subject to economic cycles. The first document of master guidelines (1984) does not address either economic or demographic growth in the mid term and therefore does not propose the modification of the radio-concentric model. It is a rigid plan focused on rural and urban recovery and the dimensioning of growth that depends on endowments and infrastructures. It advocates government intervention and promotes small business. The plan emphasizes social imbalance in terms of income, marginalization of certain social groups, the imbalance of residence/employment and excessive density. It stresses the need for social rent housing for the underprivileged, promotes public land, and the supports rail accessibility to the central area. It backs facilities of proximity and small size, enhancing the landscaping of city borders, controlling illegal activities and draws out guidelines for urban planning. The strategies (1989) contain a vision: Changing the territorial model through public intervention by means of projects. They bring to light economic restructuring of territory, the reconversion of the productive apparatus, relocation of low value-added activities, and greater ubiquity of economic activity. They also propose the diffusion of centrality towards southern territories, balancing it with the north in an attempt to reset employment and residence that integrates peripheral economic development both in the periphery and the centre. Transport would consolidate the project, changing the radius-concentric model and facilitating mobility through a commuter and inter-modality network. The plan derives itself from the leadership of the minister and does not integrate sectors such as environment. It also does not incorporate the existence of a written document that monitors performance to evaluate the effects of policies and their contribution to the territorial balance. The Preparatory Document of the Bases, (1995) is more a compendium, or plan of plans, that compiles analysis and proposals from previous documents and sectorial plans from other departments. It has a dual structure: An integrating physical plan covering the sectors and territories that includes the previous strategies while adding some strengths. One such point is the urban discomfort and the rehabilitation of the centre. It also poses the achievement of environmental balance through the growth of existing cities, the territorial linking based on mobility, strengthening new centres, improving the liveability and comprehensive rehabilitation of downtown Madrid, and the modernization of the existing production network. There is no one powerful idea that binds this document. This is due to the recognition of an existing concentrate and congestive model, a dual urban centre, two eastern and southern suburbs suffering from urban decay, and an obsolescent productive north and west whose dispersion threatens the environmental balance. Relevant aspects the document highlights are increasing polarization and social segregation, industrial relocation, the emergence of service activities to centralized companies in metropolitan areas and the dispersion of economic activities in the territory by the trivialization of car use. It proposes making the city from the suburban sprawl and its connection to the metropolitan system through a network of integrated and complementary cities in search of a better balance and territorial solidarity. The Bases of PRET (1997) aims to start the consultation process that must underpin the development of the plan. It stems from a compact and diverse Mediterranean city along with the need for economic activities, services and residences that are close. To resolve the issue, it presents a powerful network of public transport that allows integrated accessibility to the territory. The flow of residence to the periphery based on a foreign model of detached housing and an employment concentration in the centre produces territorial imbalance. Madrid always opted for the densification of the central space, producing its congestion, against the development of new land that would allow its territorial expansion. The document states that the necessity to preserve the values of the housing problem is not only viewed as social, but also economic due to the loss of jobs resulting from their paralysis. It notes the residential growth in the regional border due to the low price of land and argues that the policy of supply has led to a fragmented model of growth that is unbalanced, unstructured, with strong infrastructure and facility deficits that affect the spatial segregation of income and aggravate the lack of morphological identity, uprooting urban values. The pressure on the territory caused its densification due to space limitation; the proposed grid model causes land consumption and infrastructure to solve a non-problem, density. Focusing on limiting the weight of public intervention, it does not raise proposals for public-private cooperation. The biggest discrepancy is that the targets were innovative and mostly align with the proposals in London and Paris. However, it proposes to be implemented through a shift towards a uniform gridded model that is expansive over territory. During the last two decades, due to the absence of a regional plan, a neoliberal stance held exclusive control of the legality of urban planning. The municipalities entered a competition process to take advantage of initial economic benefits of such growth. This provided a “solid” economic base for some municipalities with limited resources in their municipal budgets. The law was amended without a legal stable framework at the request of stakeholders. The character of the plan is lost not only regionally, but also in the sectors and municipal planning. This tends to be based on specific changes with the loss of an urban model. Environmental protection is organized through an extensive number of protection figures with diverse competencies that prevent its effective protection. This process squanders the use of the land, backed by increasing road infrastructure, dispersed occupations with low-density growth causing a social segmentation due to space duality based on income levels. During the housing boom, there is a reduction in social public housing policy mostly due to a boost in the market of housing production for average incomes than in rental policies for needy social groups that focus on disadvantaged neighbourhoods and southern suburbs. As a result, there is an increase in single-family housing, often protected by public policy. This is located primarily in the west in areas of high environmental value such as Guadarrama. There is also cheaper housing due to the popularization of typology in the border region. There, territory works as a mono-functional islands. Financial activities and advanced services for companies are located to the north and west where industrial activity is lost as it migrates south, often outside the region. The number of large shopping centres hanging off the highway infrastructure with little to no surrounding population increases. This process leads to the loss of dependency on public transport and a significant increase in the use of private vehicles. The absence of regional planning has produced more imbalance, more social segmentation, more dispersed growth and a lot of environmental, social and economic costs that can only be redirected through rational territorial.

Escaparates de la modernidad : la tienda como laboratorio de arquitectura

El proyecto de una tienda concentra un poco de todo aquello que interesa al arquitecto: conforma una suerte de encrucijada en la que se dan cita, junto a cuestiones disciplinares que la hacen muy atractiva y ponen a prueba su habilidad como proyectista, la necesidad de aunar recursos compositivos procedentes de otros terrenos periféricos a la arquitectura para dar una respuesta adecuada a los requerimientos específicos de imagen y persuasión que la actividad comercial comporta. Las difíciles condiciones de partida, habitualmente configuraciones espaciales no excesivamente favorables, donde las preexistencias y los contornos coartan y encierran un espacio al que hay que dotar de un nuevo orden; el tamaño reducido y las posibilidades de control total de la obra que de éste se derivan; el corto plazo de tiempo y la rapidez de respuesta que la estrategia comercial impone; su posición estratégica, en relación directa con la calle, y la mayor evidencia que, por tanto, se le asigna a la fachada y al escaparate como ‘primeros anuncios’ de la actividad; la integración y el comentario recíproco entre arquitectura y objeto que tiene lugar en su seno…, son algunas de las razones que explican este interés y justifican que la tienda −ese espacio acotado tan apto para el invento y la innovación−, constituya un banco de pruebas donde poder ensayar nuevos conceptos de la arquitectura al reunir espacial y temporalmente los condicionantes ideales requeridos para la experimentación y la comprobación de hallazgos. Aunque escasas, existen en la arquitectura contemporánea tiendas que han logrado ocupar por méritos propios un lugar destacado dentro de la obra de sus autores. Entre las merecedoras de ese reconocimiento habría que citar la ‘mítica’ sastrería Kniže proyectada por Adolf Loos a comienzos del siglo XX en Viena, el Negozio Vitrum que Giuseppe Terragni diseñara en Como en los años treinta, o la sucursal londinense de las líneas aéreas de Iraq construida en los sesenta por Alison y Peter Smithson. La elección, lejos de ser gratuita, obedece a razones fundadas. Dentro de las circunstancias temporales en las que se gestaron −las tres fueron proyectadas y construidas a lo largo del pasado siglo en un arco que abarca algo más de cincuenta años (1907-1961)−, los ejemplos seleccionados aúnan toda una serie de ‘coincidencias’ entre las que no resulta difícil establecer ciertos paralelismos: las tres marcan la talla de unos creadores que fueron capaces de dedicar la misma intensidad creativa a estos temas ‘menores’, corroborando que el carácter de la arquitectura también puede hacerse grande en lo pequeño; las tres, debido al momento de madurez en el que se abordó su diseño, reflejan su condición de laboratorio experimental al servicio de los intereses proyectuales que en ese momento ocupaban la mente de los arquitectos; las tres corroboran hipótesis ya apuntadas en arquitecturas anteriores, prueban líneas de trabajo no materializadas por falta de oportunidad y testan de manera menos comprometida soluciones que luego se trasladarán a obras con mayor vocación de permanencia; obras −y esto es algo especialmente sorprendente− con las que mantuvieron una estrecha relación en el espacio y en el tiempo, convirtiéndose incluso en plataformas de experimentación paralelas: baste en este sentido con apuntar la cercanía física −a ‘metros’ de distancia− y temporal −realizadas en los mismos años− entre la sastrería Kniže (1907- 1913;1928) y la Casa en la Michaelerplatz (1910-11); la tienda Vitrum (1930) y la Casa del Fascio (1929; 1932-36) o las oficinas de venta de las Iraqi Airways (1960-61) y la sede del The Economist (1959-64). Esta potencialidad que la tienda encierra para erigirse en laboratorio de experimentación y ensayo de la arquitectura, constituye la clave de la investigación que la tesis propone. ABSTRACT A little of everything that interests the architect is concentrated in the designing of a shop: it forms a kind of crossroads bringing together, apart from certain disciplinary questions rendering it particularly attractive and testing one’s ability as a designer, the need to coordinate compositional resources from fields peripheral to architecture in order to devise an adequate response to the specific requirements of image and persuasion that are part and parcel of business activity. The difficult start-up conditions, the generally not overly favourable spatial configurations ‒where the pre-existing conditions and shape of the site encroach on and enclose a space which has to be given a new order‒, the reduced size and possibilities afforded in terms of controlling the work, the short time frame and the rapid response imposed by the business tactics and its strategic position and direct frontal relationship with the street, make the shopfront and the display window are the ‘first advertisements” of the activity, or the integration and the reciprocal commentary between architecture and what takes place within: these are but some of the reasons explaining this interest and justifying the claim that the shop –a dimensional space so well suited to invention and innovation− constitutes a test-bed for trying out new concepts of architecture, combining in space and time the ideal conditions for experiment and the examination of its findings. Albeit not numerous, there are shops in contemporary architecture which have managed on their own merit to obtain a special place among the works of their authors. Among those earning such recognition, one should mention the ‘mythical’ Kniže tailoring establishment designed by Adolf Loos at the beginning of the 20th century in Vienna, the Negozio Vitrum designed by Giuseppe Terragni in Como in the thirties, or the London offices of Iraqi Airways built in the sixties by Alison and Peter Smithson. This selection, far from gratuitous, is based on well-founded reasons. Within the circumstances of the time-frame in which they were developed −the three were designed and built during the 20th century in a period that spans just over fifty years (1907-1961)− the chosen examples bring together a whole series of ‘coincidences’ where it is not difficult to draw certain parallels: the three bear witness to the stature of creators who were capable of devoting the same creative intensity to these ‘minor’ themes, thus corroborating the fact that the nature of the architecture can also be great in less important works; the three, thanks to the moment of maturity in which their design was carried out, reflect their condition as an experimental laboratory at the service of the particular designing interests which at the time occupied the minds of these architects; the three confirm hypotheses already displayed in previous architectures, they test lines of work which had not materialised through lack of opportunity, and in a less comprised manner check solutions that were later transferred to works with a greater vocation for permanence; works −and this is something especially surprising – with which they maintained a close relationship in time and space, even becoming parallel experimental platforms: in this sense, we need only to mention the physical proximity –just metres away− and proximity in time –built within the same years− between the Kniže shop (1907-1913; 1928) and the House of Michaelerplatz (1910-11); the Vitrum shop (1930) and the Casa del Fascio (1929;1932-36); and the Iraqi Airways sales offices (1960-61) and the headquarters of The Economist (1959-64). The potential of the shop to set itself up as an experimental laboratory and architectural rehearsal constitutes the main focus of the research put forward by this thesis.

A gaze to rural education according to scientific discourses during the last decade

He largest proportion of illiteracy and lack of access to education in the world is concentrated in rural areas; therefore it is important to ensure there is access to quality education in these spots. This challenge is assumed by different branches of social research and it is reflected within the publication of articles in scientific journals. In the present document the scientific discourse surrounding the theme of rural education during the last decade was analyzed. To do this, the paper focuses on three aspects: the countries that set the agenda, the geographical areas that represent most of the attention and the prevalent themes within continents. It was observed that USA was the most productive country in terms of scientific writings with 30%; that Asia is really interested in health issues associated to rural education; that in Europe gender issues are on the table and that the African and Asian continents, as well as Latin America, are interested only on their own issues, as 100% of the times they only wrote about themselves.