37 resultados para Truancy


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Much current Queensland media rhetoric, government policy and legislation on truancy and youth justice appears to be based on ideas of responsibilisation – of sheeting responsibility for children’s behaviour back onto their parents. This article examines the evidence of parental responsibility provisions in juvenile justice and truancy legislation in Queensland and the drivers behind this approach. It considers recent legislative initiatives as part of an international trend toward making parents ‘responsible’ for the wrongs of their children. It identifies the parental responsibility rhetoric appearing in recent ministerial statements and associated media reports. It then asks the questions – are these legislative provisions being enforced? And if so, are they successful? Are they simply adding to the administrative burdens placed on teachers and schools, and the socioeconomic burdens placed on already disadvantaged parents? Parental responsibility provisions have been discussed at length in the context of juvenile offending and research suggests that punishing parents for the acts of their children does not decrease delinquency. The paper asks how, as a society, we intend to evaluate these punitive measures against parents?

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Statistical and anecdotal evidence suggests that truancy is a significant problem for Australian schools. This paper considers the efficacy of legislative attempts to curb truancy, focussing in particular on the Queensland experience. Both Queensland legislation and the Commonwealth Improving School Enrolment and Attendance Through Welfare reform Measure (SEAM) pilot program are explained and evaluated. The paper considers in particular the utility of parental responsibility strategies as a response to truancy - under the Education (General Provisions) Act 12006 (Queensland) parents of persistent truants may be prosecuted and fined; under the SEAM initiative parents may have their social security payments suspended. Despite the availability of these seemingly draconian penalties, there is a reluctance, in practice, to hold parents accountable. The paper attempts to explain this reluctance and asks whether parental responsibility legislation can deliver a solution to truancy.

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Truancy is recognised as an indicator of engagement in high-risk behaviours for adolescents. Injuries from road related risk behaviours continue to be a leading cause of death and disability for early adolescents (13-14 years). The aim of this research is to determine the extent to which truancy relates to increased risk of road related injuries for early adolescents. Four hundred and twenty-seven Year 9 students (13-14 years) from five high schools in Queensland, Australia, completed a questionnaire about their perceptions of risk and recent injury experience. Self-reported injuries were assessed by the Extended Adolescent Injury Checklist (E-AIC). Injuries resulting from motorcycle use, bicycle use, vehicle use (as passenger or driver), and as a pedestrian were measured for the preceding three months. Students were also asked to indicate whether they sought medical attention for their injuries. Truancy rates were assessed from self-reported skipping class or wagging school over the same three month period. The findings explore the relationship between early adolescent truancy and road related injuries. The relationship between road related injuries and truancy was analysed separately for males and females. Results of this study revealed that road related injuries and reports of associated medical treatment are higher for young people who engage in truancy when compared with non-truant adolescents. The results of this study contribute knowledge about truancy as a risk factor for engagement in road related risks. The findings have the potential to enhance school policies and injury prevention programs if emphasis is placed on increasing school attendance as a safety measure to decrease road related injuries for young adolescents.

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School absenteeism and particularly unauthorized absenteeism or truancy has been the focus of a number of, so far largely unsuccessful, recent policy initiatives. The paper draws upon two sources of data, the British Household Panel Survey and detailed interviews with a group of persistent truants, to consider the extent, consequences and explanations for truancy from secondary schools. Truancy increases steadily across the years of secondary school and, especially in the later years of compulsory schooling there is evidence that patterns of truancy established in one year carry on into the next. Truancy is strongly associated with negative outcomes in terms of not staying in education post-16, GCSE results and becoming unemployed. Coming from families of low socio-economic status, parents not monitoring homework, negative attitudes towards teachers and the value of education are all associated with higher levels of truancy. However, the majority of young people in these situations do not truant and there are many truants who do not have these characteristics. A major explanation given by young people themselves for their non-attendance is poor relationships with teachers, including teachers failing to match their expectations. Other factors mentioned by young people include bullying but also a more general dislike of the atmosphere of the school, sometimes associated with a change of school. There was little evidence of negative responses to the curriculum leading to truancy. It is suggested that we can distinguish between socio-economic and attitudinal factors which make young people vulnerable to truancy and precipitating events or processes which result in truanting behaviour.

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The primary purpose of this research was to examine the effect of the Truancy Intervention Program (TIP) on attendance patterns of elementary school students. Longitudinal archival data were used from Miami-Dade County Public School system's data system, ISIS. Data included the students' school information from fifth through ninth grade for attendance, academic grades, referral information, and referral consequences. The sample for this study was drawn from students at TIP-participating M-DCPS elementary schools in Miami-Dade County. Data collected spanned five years for each participant from the fifth grade to the ninth grade. To examine the effect of TIP on attendance, participation in middle school TIP was compared with non-TIP participation. In addition to immediate effects on attendance, the durability of the effects of TIP was studied through an analysis of attendance at the ninth grade level. A secondary purpose was to examine the relation of TIP participation to Grade Point Average (GPA). ^ The data were analyzed using 2 (group) x 3 (grade) Repeated Measures Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) on yearly attendance (number of absences), and grade point average for each year. The interaction between group and grade was significant. Post hoc tests indicated that absences were not significantly different in the two programs in seventh, eighth or ninth grade. Students enrolled in a middle school with TIP showed a significantly higher number of absences in ninth grade than for seventh or eighth grade. There were no differences by grade level for students enrolled in non-TIP middle schools. GPA analysis indicated that students enrolled in a non-TIP middle school had a significantly higher GPA across seventh, eighth, and ninth grades when compared to students enrolled at a TIP middle school. ^ An examination of attendance disciplinary referrals and consequences further revealed that the referral rates for students enrolled at a TIP middle school were higher at the seventh, eighth, and ninth grade level, then for students enrolled at a non-TIP middle school. This pattern was not readily apparent at non-TIP middle schools. Limitations of the research were noted and further research regarding program implementation (process evaluation) was suggested. ^

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In this chapter we discuss some significant theories and models of social development. In doing so we will contemplate the nature and force of peer group influences as well as the influences of families, cultural heritage and lived experience. The chapter will consider birth order issues, family structures, responsibilities, pressures and family relationships and their impact on teaching and learning through adolescence. We will also discuss common issues that emerge in schools such as bullying, truancy, and academic performance problems from a social perspective.

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The purpose of this study was to challenge the broadly based focus of injury prevention strategies towards concern with the needs of young adolescents who engage in multiple anti-social and delinquent behaviours. Five hundred and forty 13-14 year olds reported on injuries and truancy, violence, illegal road behaviours, drug, and alcohol use. Engagement in these behaviours was found to contribute to the likelihood of an injury. Those engaging in the most anti-social and delinquent behaviours were around five times more likely to report medically-treated injuries in the past three months. Their likelihood of future injury was 1.8 times more likely when they were followed up three months later. The engagement in multiple delinquent and illegal behaviours thus significantly increased the likelihood of injury and identifies a particularly vulnerable group. The findings also suggest that reaching these young people represents a key target for change strategies in injury prevention programs.

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Background Anxiety, depressive and substance use disorders account for three quarters of the disability attributed to mental disorders and frequently co-occur. While programs for the prevention and reduction of symptoms associated with (i) substance use and (ii) mental health disorders exist, research is yet to determine if a combined approach is more effective. This paper describes the study protocol of a cluster randomised controlled trial to evaluate the effectiveness of the CLIMATE Schools Combined intervention, a universal approach to preventing substance use and mental health problems among adolescents. Methods/design Participants will consist of approximately 8400 students aged 13 to 14-years-old from 84 secondary schools in New South Wales, Western Australia and Queensland, Australia. The schools will be cluster randomised to one of four groups; (i) CLIMATE Schools Combined intervention; (ii) CLIMATE Schools - Substance Use; (iii) CLIMATE Schools - Mental Health, or (iv) Control (Health and Physical Education as usual). The primary outcomes of the trial will be the uptake and harmful use of alcohol and other drugs, mental health symptomatology and anxiety, depression and substance use knowledge. Secondary outcomes include substance use related harms, self-efficacy to resist peer pressure, general disability, and truancy. The link between personality and substance use will also be examined. Discussion Compared to students who receive the universal CLIMATE Schools - Substance Use, or CLIMATE Schools - Mental Health or the Control condition (who received usual Health and Physical Education), we expect students who receive the CLIMATE Schools Combined intervention to show greater delays to the initiation of substance use, reductions in substance use and mental health symptoms, and increased substance use and mental health knowledge

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This presentation provides a beginning discussion about what the literature reports about incarcerated young people. Incarcerated Indigenous and low SES young people typically have very low literacy and mathematics skills which precludes them from future education and or employment opportunities, thus continuing the cycle of disadvantage, exclusion and despair(Payne, 2007). Being locked out of learning, they are stuck in a cycle of underachievement, a scenario which contributes to unacceptably high levels of recidivism(ACER, 2014). Success at education is considered an important protective factor against delinquent behaviours such as offending, substance abuse and truancy. Youth education and training centres provide educational opportunities for the incarcerated Indigenous youth but achievement continues to be lower than expected, particularly in mathematics. This presentation provides an introductory literature review focusing on incarcerated young people and education. It is also the preliminary writing for a small pilot project currently being conducted in one Youth Education and Training Centre in Australia.

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From tendencies to reduce the Underground Railroad to the imperative "follow the north star" to the iconic images of Ruby Bridges' 1960 "step forward" on the stairs of William Frantz Elementary School, America prefers to picture freedom as an upwardly mobile development. This preoccupation with the subtractive and linear force of development makes it hard to hear the palpable steps of so many truant children marching in the Movement and renders illegible the nonlinear movements of minors in the Underground. Yet a black fugitive hugging a tree, a white boy walking alone in a field, or even pieces of a discarded raft floating downstream like remnants of child's play are constitutive gestures of the Underground's networks of care and escape. Responding to 19th-century Americanists and cultural studies scholars' important illumination of the child as central to national narratives of development and freedom, "Minor Moves" reads major literary narratives not for the child and development but for the fugitive trace of minor and growth.

In four chapters, I trace the physical gestures of Nathaniel Hawthorne's Pearl, Harriet Beecher Stowe's Topsy, Harriet Wilson's Frado, and Mark Twain's Huck against the historical backdrop of the Fugitive Slave Act and the passing of the first compulsory education bills that made truancy illegal. I ask how, within a discourse of independence that fails to imagine any serious movements in the minor, we might understand the depictions of moving children as interrupting a U.S. preoccupation with normative development and recognize in them the emergence of an alternative imaginary. To attend to the movement of the minor is to attend to what the discursive order of a development-centered imaginary deems inconsequential and what its grammar can render only as mistakes. Engaging the insights of performance studies, I regard what these narratives depict as childish missteps (Topsy's spins, Frado's climbing the roof) as dances that trouble the narrative's discursive order. At the same time, drawing upon the observations of black studies and literary theory, I take note of the pressure these "minor moves" put on the literal grammar of the text (Stowe's run-on sentences and Hawthorne's shaky subject-verb agreements). I regard these ungrammatical moves as poetic ruptures from which emerges an alternative and prior force of the imaginary at work in these narratives--a force I call "growth."

Reading these "minor moves" holds open the possibility of thinking about a generative association between blackness and childishness, one that neither supports racist ideas of biological inferiority nor mandates in the name of political uplift the subsequent repudiation of childishness. I argue that recognizing the fugitive force of growth indicated in the interplay between the conceptual and grammatical disjunctures of these minor moves opens a deeper understanding of agency and dependency that exceeds notions of arrested development and social death. For once we interrupt the desire to picture development (which is to say the desire to picture), dependency is no longer a state (of social death or arrested development) of what does not belong, but rather it is what Édouard Glissant might have called a "departure" (from "be[ing] a single being"). Topsy's hard-to-see pick-pocketing and Pearl's running amok with brown men in the market are not moves out of dependency but indeed social turns (a dance) by way of dependency. Dependent, moving and ungrammatical, the growth evidenced in these childish ruptures enables different stories about slavery, freedom, and childishness--ones that do not necessitate a repudiation of childishness in the name of freedom, but recognize in such minor moves a fugitive way out.

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Many children and young people in conflict with the law in Northern Ireland have experienced living in poverty, truancy or exclusion from school, limited educational attainment, neglect or abuse within their families, placement in alternative care, drug or alcohol misuse, physical and mental ill-health. However, their lives are also affected by the legacy and particular circumstances of a society in transition from conflict. In addition to historical under-investment in services for children and their families, this includes discriminatory policing alongside informal regulation by ‘paramilitaries’ or members of ‘the community’ and community-based restorative justice schemes as an alternative way of dealing with low-level crime and ‘anti-social’ behaviour.

Following a Criminal Justice Review, the 2002 Justice (Northern Ireland) Act affirmed that the principal aim of the youth justice system is to protect the public by preventing offending by children’. Youth justice initiatives therefore encompass a range of responses: early intervention to prevent offending and the application of civil Anti-Social Behaviour Orders, diversionary measures (including community-based restorative justice schemes), non-custodial disposals for those found guilty of offences, and custodial sentences. While ‘policy transfer’ prevailed during periods of ‘direct rule’ from Westminster, the punitive responses to ‘sub-criminal’ and ‘anti-social’ behaviour introduced by the 1998 Crime and Disorder Act in England and Wales were resisted or not implemented in the same way in Northern Ireland.

This Chapter will critically analyse the debates informing recent developments, noting key issues raised by the 2011 review of youth justice initiated as a priority following the devolution of justice and policing to the Northern Ireland Assembly. It will focus on promotion and protection of the rights of children and young people in conflict with the law.

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Estudo sobre a problemática da Evasão Escolar na Educação de Jovens e Adultos – EJA da Unidade de Educação Básica Alberto Pinheiro em São Luís – Maranhão. Fundamenta-se na análise da literatura sobre as políticas de Educação de Jovens e Adultos no Brasil, no estado da arte sobre a evasão escolar desse segmento de ensino e ainda na análise dos documentos escolares, relatórios e atas de avaliação, que subsidiaram esta investigação. Aplicaram-se questionários e entrevistas, além de pesquisa de campo através da observação direta. Os sujeitos investigados foram os ex-alunos evadidos, professores e pedagogos desse segmento de ensino. A pesquisa indicou que nesse segmento da EJA existe um percentual consistente de evasão escolar, cujas causas vão desde a necessidade de trabalhar até a baixa escolaridade da família. Os resultados mostram o perfil de uma clientela que em sua maioria deseja estudar, mas é impelida a se evadir por diversos motivos, como: a falta de tempo, distância entre o domicílio e a escola, gravidez precoce e despreparo dos professores que atuam nessa modalidade de ensino. Conclui-se que existe a necessidade de melhora das condições físicas e estruturais da oferta da EJA, o que compreende a valorização do professor e as condições materiais da escola.