Shattering the Shia: a Maliki political strategy in post-Saddam Iraq

This chapter argues that one key legacy of the US effort to bring democracy to Iraq has been that many elements within Iraq’s Shia Arab political elite have viewed democracy through the lens of a cynical majoritarianism and manipulated it to catapult themselves to power. This has had a further legacy, enabling the democratically elected government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to utilise his incumbency to maintain the veneer of democracy while becoming increasingly dictatorial and authoritarian. In doing so, Maliki’s government shares much in common with other ‘hybrid regimes’ in which governments hijack nominally democratic mechanisms such as elections, media freedoms, political opposition and civil society as part of their strategy to retain, rather than diffuse, power (Dodge 2012b, 2013). Although Maliki hasdeployed a host of different strategies along these lines – including blatant sectarianism, undermining key state institutions, the creation of a shadow state loyal to himself, and the concentration of military and political power in his own hands – this chapter focuses on Maliki’s less well-known efforts to shatter the unity of his Shia Arab political opponents. It focuses on his first two terms in power and examines the ways in which he has been able to systematically fracture the Shia political elite to such an extent that once tenuously united factions now stand bitterly divided. The chapter concludes by reflecting on the reasoning behind such an approach and the prospects of Iraq’s democracy moving beyond the blatant power grab of the incumbent Malikigovernment.

The ���Iranian ART Revolution���: infertility, assisted reproductive technology, and third-party donation in the Islamic Republic of Iran

Infertility is a social onus for women in Iran, who are expected to produce children early within marriage. With its estimated 1.5 million infertile couples, Iran is the only Muslim country in which assisted reproductive technologies (ARTs) using donor gametes and embryos have been legitimized by religious authorities and passed into law. Th is has placed Iran, a Shia-dominant country, in a unique position vis-��-vis the Sunni Islamic world, where all forms of gamete donation are strictly prohibited. In this article, we first examine the ���Iranian ART revolution��� that has allowed donor technologies to be admitted as a form of assisted reproduction. Then we examine the response of Iranian women to their infertility and the profound social pressures they face. We argue that the experience of infertility and its treatment are mediated by women���s socioeconomic position within Iranian society. Many women lack economic access to in vitro fertilization (IVF) technologies and fear the moral consequences of gamete donation. Thus, the benefits of the Iranian ART revolution are mixed: although many Iranian women have been able to overcome their infertility through ARTs, not all women���s lives are improved by these technologies.

A High Degree of LINE-1 Hypomethylation Is a Unique Feature of Early-Onset Colorectal Cancer

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The Iranian Foreign Policy in the Persian Gulf Region under the Rule of President Hassan Rouhani: Continuity of Change

Although Iran borders with many states and has direct access to the Caspian Sea as well as the Indian Ocean, the Persian Gulf region seems to be the most vital area to its security and prosperity. Yet since the 70���s Iran���s relations with the Arab states in the region have been rather strained and complex. The main reason for that had been the success of the Islamic revolution in 1979 which later resulted in a new dimension of Sunni-Shia rivalry. Moreover, post-revolutionary Iranian authorities also intended to maintain the regional hegemony from the Imperial State of Iran period. As a result, successive Iranian governments competed for hegemony in the Persian Gulf with the littoral Arab states which consolidated their regional positions due to close links and intensive cooperation with the West especially with the United States. Despite some political and economic initiatives which were undertaken by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, this rivalry was also evident between 2005���2013. The main aim of this article is to find out whether Iranian foreign policy towards the Arab states in the Persian Gulf region has undergone any significant changes since Hassan Rouhani became the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran in August 2013. According to Mohammad Reza Deshiri, the Iranian foreign policy after 1979 can be divided into so-called waves of idealism and realism. During dominance of idealism values and spirituality are more important than pragmatism while during the realistic waves political as well as economic interests prevail over spirituality. Iranian idealism is connected with export of revolutionary ideas, Shia dominance as well as the restoration of unity among all muslims (ummah). On this basis both presidential terms of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad can be classified as ���waves of idealism���, albeit some of his ideas were very pragmatic. The question is if Hassan Rouhani���s foreign policy represents a continuity or a change. Is the current Iran���s foreign policy towards the Persian Gulf region idealistic or rather realistic? The main assumption is that there will be no Arab-Iranian rapprochement in the Persian Gulf without a prior normalization of political relations between Iran and the West especially the United States.

The `Ulama' and the State: Negotiating Tradition, Authority and Sovereignty in Contemporary Pakistan

<p>This dissertation is an account of how contemporary Pakistani ulama grapple with their political realities and the Islamic state of Pakistan. The central conceptual question that scaffolds my dissertation is: How do Pakistani ulama negotiate tradition, authority and sovereignty with the Islamic Republic of Pakistan? In engaging with this issue, this dissertation employs a methodology that weds ethnography with rigorous textual analysis. The ulama that feature in this study belong to a variety of sectarian persuasions. The Sunni ulama are Deobandi and Barelvi; the Shia ulama in this study are Ithna Ashari. </p><p>In assessing the relationship between Pakistani ulama and their nation-state, I assert that the ulama's dialectical engagements with the state are best understood as a dexterous navigation between affirmation, critique, contestation and cultivation. In proposing this manner of thinking about Pakistani ulama's engagements with their state, I provide a more detailed and nuanced view of the ulama-state relationship compared to earlier works. While emphasizing Pakistani ulama's vitality and their impact on their state, this dissertation also draws attention to the manners in which the state impacts the ulama. It theorizes the subject formation of the ulama and asserts the importance of understanding the ulama as formed not just by the ethico-legal tradition in which they are trained but also by the state apparatus.</p>

Elevated NRD1 metalloprotease expression plays a role in breast cancer growth and proliferation

Understanding the molecular etiology of cancer and increasing the number of drugs and their targets are critical to cancer management. In our attempt to unravel novel breast-cancer associated proteins, we previously conducted protein expression profiling of the MCF10AT model, which comprises a series of isogenic cell lines that mimic different stages of breast cancer progression. NRD1 expression was found to increase during breast cancer progression. Here, we attempted to confirm the relevance of NRD1 in clinical breast cancer and understand the functional role and mechanism of NRD1 in breast cancer cells. Immunohistochemistry data show that NRD1 expression was elevated in ductal carcinoma in situ and invasive ductal carcinomas compared with normal tissues in 30% of the 26 matched cases studied. Examination of NRD1 expression in tissue microarray comprising &gt;100 carcinomas and subsequent correlation with clinical data revealed that NRD1 expression was significantly associated with tumor size, grade, and nodal status (P &lt;0.05). Silencing of NRD1 reduced MCF10CA1h and MDA-MD-231 breast-cancer-cell proliferation and growth. Probing the oncogenic EGF signaling pathways revealed that NRD1 knock down did not affect overall downstream tyrosine phosphorylation cascades including AKT and MAPK activation. Instead, silencing of NRD1 resulted in a reduction of overall cyclin D1 expression, a reduction of EGF-induced increase in cyclin D1 expression and an increase in apoptotic cell population compared with control cells.

Irak: un escenario de competencia por el liderazgo regional entre Arabia Saud�� e Ir��n (2005-2012)

La regi��n de Medio Oriente se ha caracterizado por su importancia estrat��gica. Cruce de caminos de la primera y m��s antigua ruta internacional del comercio entre Oriente y Occidente, la regi��n ha sido un escenario de competencia entre diversos actores dom��sticos y for��neos. Esto ha condicionado la estabilidad regional, durante buena parte de su historia, a la influencia rec��proca de fuerzas contendientes, tanto internas como externas a la regi��n. No obstante, un cambio del equilibrio entre esas influencias, en los ��ltimos 10 a��os, ha llevado a que en detrimento de los actores externos a la regi��n, sean los actores locales quienes van adquiriendo poder y capacidad de imponer sus propios liderazgos. En este contexto, la actual competencia por el liderazgo regional entre Arabia Saud�� e Ir��n, puede analizarse a partir de sus respectivas participaciones en la confrontaci��n sectaria entre sun��es y chi��es en Irak, en el periodo comprendido entre 2005 ��� 2012.

Islam Bogot��: presencia inicial y diversidad

El texto se centra en el estudio de las comunidades musulmanas de Bogot��. Como tal, se hace referencia a las tendencias de pensamiento religioso que las distinguen dentro de la diversidad existente en el Mundo Isl��mico, pero especialmente se hace ��nfasis en sus actividades, pr��cticas cotidianas, formas de organizaci��n y relaci��n con el entorno social de la ciudad. El trabajo es fruto del estudio realizado por la L��nea de Historia y Estudio Comparado de las Religiones del Centro de Estudios Teol��gicos y de las Religiones de la Universidad del Rosario, entre los musulmanes de la ciudad durante los a��os 2007 - 2008. El texto, que se dirige a un p��blico amplio, no especializado en el tema, ofrece una base introductoria al Islam como hecho religioso, social y cultural, as�� como a la manera en la que los musulmanes viven su cotidianidad, con el fin de preparar a los lectores para comprender de manera adecuada los pormenores del estudio realizado. As�� mismo, se enmarca el fen��meno de las comunidades musulmanas en la ciudad dentro de una traducci��n hist��rica, pero tambi��n dentro de unos ejes de influencia que los relacionan con otras regiones del mundo y del continente.

Connective tissue mast cells are the target of formaldehyde to induce tracheal hyperresponsiveness in rats: Putative role of leukotriene B(4) and nitric oxide

Formaldehyde (FA) exposure induces upper airways irritation and respiratory abnormalities, but its mechanisms are not understood. Since mast cells are widely distributed in the airways, we hypothesized that FA might modify the airways reactivity by mechanism involving their activation. Tracheal rings of rats were incubated with Dulbecco`s modified medium culture containing FA (0.1 ppm) in 96-well plastic microplates in a humid atmosphere. After 30 min, 6 h, and 24-72 h, the rings were suspended in an organ bath and dose-response curve to methacholine (MCh) were determined. incubation with FA caused a transient tracheal hyperresponsiveness to MCh that was independent from tracheal epithelium integrity. Connective tissue mast cell depletion caused by compound 48/80 or mast cell activation by the allergic reaction, before exposure of tracheal rings to FA prevented the increased responsiveness to MCh. LTB(4) concentrations were increased in the culture medium of tracheas incubated with FA for 48 h, whereas the LTB(4)-receptor antagonist MK886 (1 mu M) added before FA exposure rendered the tracheal rings normoreactive to MCh. In addition, FA exposure did not cause hyperresponsiveness in tracheal segments incubated with L-arginine (1 mu M). We suggest that airway connective tissue mast cells constitute the target and may provide the increased LTB(4) generation as well as an elevated consumption of NO leading to tracheal hyperresponsiveness to MCh. (C) 2009 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.

The streets of Iraq : protests, the public sphere and democracy

Since the invasion of Iraq by Coalition forces in 2003, much attention has been paid to the violence ravaging Iraq&rsquo;s streets, so much so that they have become synonymous with bloodshed and chaos. This paper begins by countering this prominent view with a brief outline of some of the more positive scenes that have played out on Iraq&rsquo;s streets, including the successful elections of 2005 and 2009. The bulk of the paper builds on this discussion to detail the various protest movements that have emerged across Iraq since 2003, including those organised by Shia clerics, minority movements, women&rsquo;s organisations and Iraqi worker unions. This paper concludes by arguing that the willingness of normal Iraqi citizens to exercise their democratic right to protest indicates the degree to which democratic ideals are taking hold in Iraq and represents a fundamental step towards a more peaceful and inclusive future.<br />

Cultural destruction and identity politics : targeting the history of Iraq

Since its inception in 1921, a number of successive regimes have sought to politicize Iraq���s cultural history in order to develop national identity and foster social cohesion across this rich and complex nation. Foremost among these were the Baath party, particularly under the rule of Saddam Hussein, who used much of the nation���s Oil wealth to undergo an extensive nation-building campaign. However, identity in Iraq is far from monolithic and various factions have long resisted the state sanctioned version of &ldquo;Iraqi&rdquo; identity and asserted alternative histories and narratives to underpin their own identity politics. With the invasion of Iraq by Coalition forces in 2003, however, came an unprecedented era of cultural destruction. Following the devastation of the battle phase of the war, there were further attacks on Iraq���s cultural heritage including everything from the carefully choreographed removal of the giant bronze statue of Saddam in Firdos square, through to military bases set up at sensitive archaeological sites such as the ancient city of Babylon. In addition, Iraqi civilians targeted the cultural history of their nation with wanton looting and arson, as well as systematic attacks on sites of archaeological or ethno-religious significance. More recently, the Shia and Kurdish dominated Iraqi Government have organised the &ldquo;Committee for Removing Symbols of the Saddam Era&rdquo; and drew up plans to purge the state of its Sunni dominated past.<br /><br />This paper argues that the unprecedented scale and magnitude of the destruction of Iraq���s cultural history has played a part in eroding the various intersecting and overlapping versions of identity politics in Iraq. In turn, this has provided fertile ground for terrorists and sectarians to plant the seeds of their own narrow and deadly ideologies. This has brought about the rise of ethno-religious based violence and seen a series of bloody and protracted conflicts emerge between previously peaceful and compatible factions. In this way, Iraq serves as a powerful case study in furthering academic discussion on the complex inter-relationships between cultural and historical destruction and identity politics, sectarianism, violence and democracy.<br />