À propos de The Practice of Liberal Pluralism de William Galston : un dialogue avec l’auteur

Document de travail

Liberdade de Expressão e os Mecanismos de Promoção do Pluralismo nos Meios de Comunicação Social

O objetivo deste trabalho é demonstrar que intervenção regulatória para promoção do pluralismo nos meios de comunicação social é condizente com a ordem democrática instituída pela Constituição Brasileira de 1988, e tem papel fundamental na garantia do pleno exercício do direito à liberdade de expressão. Demonstraremos que a proposta está em harmonia com as concepções contemporâneas sobre o regime democrático, que emergiram na segunda metade do século XX. Serão explorados os preceitos constitucionais que incidem sobre a discussão, quais sejam, o pluralismo político, a liberdade de expressão e o dever de proporcionalidade, que vincula a atividade dos poderes públicos. Delinearemos os contornos do conceito de regulação, expondo a discussão sobre sua aplicabilidade ao setor de comunicação social, e os tipos de políticas públicas comuns nesse sentido, o que inclui a promoção de pluralismo. Listaremos os mecanismos de promoção de pluralismo interno e externo verificados no direito comparado. À luz dos entendimentos consignados no texto e das discussões em voga sobre a regulação do mercado de comunicação, iremos propor parâmetros de interpretação para futuras políticas públicas de promoção do pluralismo no mercado de comunicação social brasileiro.

Espirito Santo : a industrialização como fator de desautonomia relativa

A monografia e uma análise histórico-dialética, de 1535 a 1976, procurando mostrar como o Estado do Espírito Santo formou-se e consolidou-se como região periférica e subdesenvolvida e como ele se integraria agora ao capital ismo nacional, a partir da implantação, em seu território, de alguns projetos industriais de vulto os chamados Grandes Projetos de Impacto. Partindo de uma análise sobre a formação do Centro Ocidental e do Estado brasileiro visa a entender o processo de transformação do Espírito Santo. Mostra, então, as formações do Centro Ocidental e do Estado Nacional. Para o primeiro, evidencia a viagem do sistema capital ista, da democracia 1iberal e do liberalismo econômico ao pluralismo político e à estrutura econômica oligopolica. Na formação do segundo, fica patenteada a evolução do Estado intervencionista/autoritário brasileiro, enxertado pela tentativa liberal da Repúb ica Velha e pela tentativa de implantação de um Estado Racional-Legal no Estado Novo. Assim, fica explícita a especificidade dependente-associada do capital ismo brasileiro, da fase primário-exportadora à fase industrial, e pode-se concluir que o Espírito Santo reproduziu as fases centrais, articulando-se sempre defasadamente aos centros nacionais e internacionais. Tornando patente a interdependencia do Estado do Espírito Santo em relação aos centros inter e in tra nacionais, a monografia passa a descrever o seu processo de formação econômica, social e política, procurando dar conta de suas peculiaridades. Chega à conclusão que a histórica capixaba pode ser dividida em quatro fases. Essencialmente baseadas numa economia de subsistência e, posteriormente, numa economia primário-exportadora, as três fases chamadas regionais litoranea, serrana e pioneina - configuram o ritmo e a direção da ocupação e degradação do território estadual e a marcha do café. A fase atual é de mudanças. são previstas, principalmente, a partir do momento em que os Grandes Projetos começarem a operar, transformações rápidas e desconcertantes, em função dos seis bilhões de dólares de investimentos que serão efetuados num Estado em que o orçamento não cobre sequer as despesas de pessoal. Na medida em que a implantação destes Grandes Projetos poderia reforçar o potencial de ingerência do Governo Federal na esfera estadual, além de trazer para o palco um novo foco de poder, o das corporações estrangeiras envolvidas, contribuir-se-ia para a marginalização dos poderes público e privado capixabas e o Espírito Santo correria o risco de perder sua já reduzida autonomia. Assim, seria configurado um processo iminente de marginalização estadual, tratado na monografia como processo de desautonomia relativa. O trabalho caracteriza esse processo com a análise das transformações potenciais que advirão'em decorrência da operação dos empreendimentos, indicando os riscos que o Estado enfrentará. Segundo ele, as principais mudanças dizem respeito à elevação substancial da Renda Interna Estadual, ao agravamento da concentração individual, espacial e setorial da renda, ao excessivo' adensamento demográfico na area metropolitana da Grande Vitória e ao estímulo à implantação de inúmeras indústrias complementares e satélites.

Alguns aspectos sobre o processo da democratização dos sistemas políticos no mundo árabe :Egito e Líbano como modelos de estudo

The World has tried diverse democratic waves at distinct moments. Some nations have adopted the idea of the democracy for years; others have not yet and other ones are still in a slow process of transition. The field of studies on the Arabian political systems has testified since the last quarter of 20th century a notorious development. This advance disclosed in the existence of a set of trends that has turned around a number of concepts and main theoretical frames such as the political pluralism and the democratic transition and the civil society and its relation with the State. The speech on the process of democratic transition consists in part in the capture and the analysis of the role of the forces and the organizations of the civil society in this process. The peculiarities of the Arab World excite questions concerning the establishment of one governmental system in this universe in the mold of that one that develops with hegemony in the Occident, which has become an interesting field of inquiries for the Political Science. This study comprises the analysis of some aspects of the political situation in the Arab World towards the process of democratization in which Egypt and Lebanon are models of study. Thus the theoretical basis of the term democracy is introduced, presenting different considerations about this expression, since the sprouting of the term until its current conception; later the civil society is analyzed as well as the systems of the political parties and the electoral systems of both countries in attempt to identify the level of democratization existing there and also to find the possible ways to magnify the democratic horizons

Democracia participativa e regulação econômica: uma questão de legitimidade

This work presents an analysis about the legitimation of independent regulatory commission`s rulemaking power by participation procedure. It is observed that political and administrative decentralization and fragmentation of State, with the purpose of approaching citizens and provide, more efficiently, the functions acquired by the passage of the Welfare State, leads to a deficit of legitimacy (democratic crisis), which is noticeable in the making of legal norms by directors of independent regulatory commission to regulate specific economic sector. However, we understand that this crisis stems from the observation of the contemporary world from dogmas and legal institutions of the eighteenth century, without their evolution and adaptation to the modern world. The legitimacy must be perceived as the justification of power, relation command /obedience, which, from the Modern State, has the democracy as standard. Therefore, just as the world has evolved and demanded political and administrative decentralization to accompany him, it is necessary to the development of the idea of representative democracy (formal legitimacy) to participatory democracy (legitimacy stuff). Legitimacy is not confused with the legality: as the legality is on observance to internal legal system, the "rules of play"; legitimacy, as inputs to be fed into this system, the selection of the different expectations in the environment. Nevertheless, the legitimacy will take place by legality, through introduction of rational and communicative procedures: procedures get fundamental importance because these will be the means to select the expectations to be introduced in the legal system in order to make decisions more fair, rational and qualified towards society. Thus, it is necessary to its opening to the environment for dialogue with the government. In this context, we try to make an analysis of constitutional norms based on systematic and teleological interpretation of these norms to build these arguments. According to the Constitution of 1988, participatory democracy is a result of the democratic principle (sole paragraph of art. 1 of the Constitution), and it is an expression of citizenship and political pluralism, both foundations of Republic (respectively Art. 1st, inc . V and II of the Constitution), as well as the national consciousness. From another point of view, that principle consists of an evolution in the management public affairs (principle of Republic). The right of interested participate in the rulemaking process derives both the principle of popular participation (part of the democratic principle) and the republican principle as the due process constitutional (art. 5, LIV and LV, CF/88) and the right to petition (Art . 5 °, inc. XXXIV, "a", CF/88), and it is the duty of the State not only be open to participation and encourage it. Ignoring stakeholder involvement in procedures and / or expressions compiled can be causes of invalidation of the rule of law produced by addiction of procedure, motive, motivation and/or because of the administrative act. Finally, we conclude that the involvement of stakeholders in the process of making rules within the independent regulatory commission is the legitimacy and the validity of rules; and that, despite of the expressions do not bind the decision making, they will enter the system as juridical fact, balancing the field of technical discretionary of agencies

Kazakhstan: the regional success story; Tajikistan: a trial period; Uzbekistan: the major source of instability in Central Asia? OSW Study 15/2004

Kazakhstan: Kazakhstan can boast economic development like no other country in Central Asia. In contrast to other countries of the region, which have rich natural resources, Kazakhstan has managed to use its economic potential in a way that yields concrete benefits now and, at the same time, creates prospects for further sustainable economic growth. Tajikistan: Tajikistan in its present state has been built on the civil war experiences and provisions of the peace accords signed in 1997. These have had a great impact on the present form of the state, its political scene and power mechanisms. President Emomali Rakhmonov is the central figure in the state. The political system, which he has cocreated, is based on - unique in this region - political pluralism (the existence of the Islamic party), decentralisation (far-going independence of the regions and relatively limited potential of the central structures) and compromise as the basic way of resolving conflicts. Such a system has so far guaranteed stabilisation and normalisation of the country. Uzbekistan: With its geographic location, potential, ambitions and political priorities, Uzbekistan could play a leading role in Central Asia. The international community has perceived the country as the pillar of stability in the region. This perception was further reinforced after 11th September 2001 and was certainly among the factors that inspired the United States to start closer political and military cooperation with Tashkent. The administration in Washington had expected that closer contacts might galvanise political, economic and social change in Uzbekistan, thus reinforcing positive trends in other countries of the region as well. But the relations between Washington and Tashkent are in crisis (which the United States will certainly try to overcome), and we have seen rapprochement between Uzbekistan and Russia and China.

Die proto-konstitutionelle Etablierung der europäischen Innenpolitik, Rückblick und Ausblick auf Bedingungen föderaler Ordnung in Europa = The proto-constitutional establishment of European domestic policy. Review and outlook on conditions of federal order in Europe. ZEI Discussion Paper C225, 2014

ZEI Director Prof. Ludger Kühnhardt recalls the leading ideas of federalism as territorial equivalent for political pluralism. Celebrating the 80th anniversary of Bonn historian and political scientist Prof. Dr. Hans-Peter Schwarz, he reflects on the emerging EU domestic policies in ZEI Discussion Paper C 225.

Vučić’s plebiscite almost slipped on arithmetics. EPC Commentary, 29 April 2016

As largely anticipated, the incumbent Prime Minister of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić, secured another four years in power at the snap elections that took place on 24 April. However, the results suggest that Vučić has overplayed his hand with this personal plebiscite: simple arithmetics unmasked his exaggerated hope to wipe out the opposition and consolidate political dominance. This might bode well for political pluralism but voters’ preferences and the affixed party options caution against taking Serbia’s commitment to European integration for granted.

From Elitism through Corporatism to Pluralism? The Role of Elites in the Political Transition of Ukraine

The group set out to analyse the dynamics of elite groups in Ukraine today, both internal and inter-group, and their ideas on major socio-economic, political and foreign policies, in order to identify the degree of competitiveness between groups, methods of elite recruitment and the degree of elite response, which influence both the political agenda and the results of political activity. Having observed the contemporary debate and identified the pre-eminence of various elite groups in the decision-making process at the regional and state levels, they also sought to determine the type and degree of elite consensus which might be achieved in contemporary Ukraine. They also considered the extent of concealed power, in terms of covert interaction more characteristic of corporate societies, which might allow for the abuse of authority within a technically democratic system. The group then went on to consider the stages of counter-elite transformation and the continuing importance of the communist elite, as well as the issue of rivalry versus consensus. They see their findings as relevant not only to the Central and Eastern European context but also to the situation in Latin America today.

Media in a transitioning Nepal : does expansion translate to pluralism?

Characterized by socio-political changes, instability and conflict since 1990, Nepal is a nation in political transition. The media play a significant role in influencing this transition. Since 1990, various global and local factors have contributed to an unprecedented growth in the mass media in Nepal. This article analyses the expansion in the media against indicators of media pluralism to ask whether this expansion, within a difficult political transition, translates to media pluralism. The article draws upon qualitative research to assess the media market, the resources available for the media, diversity in media ownership and products, competition and ethics and policy and regulatory provisions within a struggling economy and an environment of poor law and order.

Rethinking Media Pluralism : A Critique of Theories and Policy Discourses

This study examines different ways in which the concept of media pluralism has been theorized and used in contemporary media policy debates. Access to a broad range of different political views and cultural expressions is often regarded as a self-evident value in both theoretical and political debates on media and democracy. Opinions on the meaning and nature of media pluralism as a theoretical, political or empirical concept, however, are many, and it can easily be adjusted to different political purposes. The study aims to analyse the ambiguities surrounding the concept of media pluralism in two ways: by deconstructing its normative roots from the perspective of democratic theory, and by examining its different uses, definitions and underlying rationalities in current European media policy debates. The first part of the study examines the values and assumptions behind the notion of media pluralism in the context of different theories of democracy and the public sphere. The second part then analyses and assesses the deployment of the concept in contemporary European policy debates on media ownership and public service media. Finally, the study critically evaluates various attempts to create empirical indicators for measuring media pluralism and discusses their normative implications and underlying rationalities. The analysis of contemporary policy debates indicates that the notion of media pluralism has been too readily reduced to an empty catchphrase or conflated with consumer choice and market competition. In this narrow technocratic logic, pluralism is often unreflectively associated with quantitative data in a way that leaves unexamined key questions about social and political values, democracy, and citizenship. The basic argument advanced in the study is that media pluralism needs to be rescued from its depoliticized uses and re-imagined more broadly as a normative value that refers to the distribution of communicative power in the public sphere. Instead of something that could simply be measured through the number of media outlets available, the study argues that media pluralism should be understood in terms of its ability to challenge inequalities in communicative power and create a more democratic public sphere.