951 resultados para Health policy


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Although much research has been done on the existence and formation of risk and issue based health policies, there is only little insight in health policy development processes in a broader context. This hampers intervention in these policy processes to adequately develop integrated and effective health policies.

Legislation in the Netherlands requires municipalities to develop and implement local health policies. These policies are supposed to aim at the promotion of health across sectors and with a strong community involvement. Health policy development processes have been studied in four Dutch municipalities. For each case, we identified a range of stakeholders and monitored the change or stability of their characteristics over 3 years. In addition, for each case, three overlaying maps of networks were made addressing communication and collaboration actions within the defined set of stakeholders. We point out a number of barriers which impede integrated policy development at the local level: the importance given to local health policy, the medical approach to health development, the organizational self-interest rather than public health concern, the absence of policy entrepreneurial activity.

Furthermore, this article advocates the use of complementary theoretical frameworks and the expansion of the methodological toolbox for health promotion. The value of stakeholder and network analysis in the health promotion domain, at this stage, is two-fold. First, mapping relevant actors, their positions and connections in networks provides us with insight into their capacity to participate and contribute to health policy development. Second, these new tools contribute to a further understanding of policy entrepreneurial roles to be taken up by health promotion professionals and health authorities in favour of the socio-environmental approach to health.

Notwithstanding the value of this first step, more research is required into both the practical application as well as in the theoretical connections with, for example, Multiple Streams theory.


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Issue addressed : The development of Australia's first national men's health policy provides an important opportunity for informed discussions of health and gender. It is therefore a concern that the stated policy appears to deliberately exclude hegemonic masculinity and other masculinities, despite evidence of their major influence on men's health-related values, beliefs, perspectives, attitudes, motivations and behaviour.

Methods : We provide an evidence-based critique of the proposed approach to a national men's health policy which raises important questions about whether the new policy can achieve its aims if it fails to acknowledge 'masculinity' as a key factor in Australian men's health.

Conclusion : The national men's health policy should be a means to encourage gender analysis in health. This will require recognition of the influence of hegemonic masculinity, and other masculinities, on men's health. Recognising the influence of 'masculinity' on men's health is not about 'blaming' men for 'behaving badly', but is crucial to the development of a robust, meaningful and comprehensive national men's health policy.

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Universities are large organisations with diverse occupational hazards and some unusual features as employers. They need expert professional advice for generalist managers on occupational health matters and they need specialist services such as immunisations for medical students and respiratory health surveillance for staff and students whose research involves the use of animals. We have reviewed these varied occupational health needs in detail in a separate paper (Venables and Allender 2006). Universities need an occupational health response which is proportionate to their needs.

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Initially, there were three separate strands to the work of the project: a series of forums involving group interviews/discussions with community members; a policy analysis that reviewed policies relating to Aboriginal health at federal and state level; and a literature review. The results of these three separate strands of analysis were then brought together in a fourth strand to the work, a process involving community members to discuss and agree the overall recommendations contained in this report.

Through this structure, the project employed a participatory methodology as the basis for individual and collective empowerment in relation to health outcomes. As mentioned above, the need for the project was identified by Aboriginal people, through their own processes of healing. The need was presented by appropriate figures within their communities, namely community elders. They invited other Aboriginal people to take part through their own communication channels, thus ensuring that responsibility for engagement in the project, and in formulating action for improvement, remained with Aboriginal people and their families. However, the project design also recognised that Aboriginal people exist within broader structural and policy constraints which impact on their ability to manage their own lives successfully or otherwise. Thus the project sought to combine indigenous and non-indigenous knowledge through bringing together the three strands of work in the way described.

A Community Reference Group guided the work of the project at all stages, endorsed the findings and drafted the recommendations. The two elders who had identified the need for the project formed the core of the group, and worked on the project from start to finish. At different times during the project, other community members joined the group to assist in its work, including training Aboriginal researchers, letting others know about the forums, discussing findings and drafting recommendations.

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Initially, there were three separate strands to the work of the project: a series of forums involving group interviews/discussions with community members; a policy analysis that reviewed policies relating to Aboriginal health at federal and state level; and a literature review. The results of these three separate strands of analysis were then brought together in a fourth strand to the work, a process involving community members to discuss and agree the overall recommendations contained in this report.

Through this structure, the project employed a participatory methodology as the basis for individual and collective empowerment in relation to health outcomes. As mentioned above, the need for the project was identified by Aboriginal people, through their own processes of healing. The need was presented by appropriate figures within their communities, namely community elders. They invited other Aboriginal people to take part through their own communication channels, thus ensuring that responsibility for engagement in the project, and in formulating action for improvement, remained with Aboriginal people and their families. However, the project design also recognised that Aboriginal people exist within broader structural and policy constraints which impact on their ability to manage their own lives successfully or otherwise. Thus the project sought to combine indigenous and non-indigenous knowledge through bringing together the three strands of work in the way described.

A Community Reference Group guided the work of the project at all stages, endorsed the findings and drafted the recommendations. The two elders who had identified the need for the project formed the core of the group, and worked on the project from start to finish. At different times during the project, other community members joined the group to assist in its work, including training Aboriginal researchers, letting others know about the forums, discussing findings and drafting recommendations.
Initially, there were three separate strands to the work of the project: a series of forums involving group interviews/discussions with community members; a policy analysis that reviewed policies relating to Aboriginal health at federal and state level; and a literature review. The results of these three separate strands of analysis were then brought together in a fourth strand to the work, a process involving community members to discuss and agree the overall recommendations contained in this report.

Through this structure, the project employed a participatory methodology as the basis for individual and collective empowerment in relation to health outcomes. As mentioned above, the need for the project was identified by Aboriginal people, through their own processes of healing. The need was presented by appropriate figures within their communities, namely community elders. They invited other Aboriginal people to take part through their own communication channels, thus ensuring that responsibility for engagement in the project, and in formulating action for improvement, remained with Aboriginal people and their families. However, the project design also recognised that Aboriginal people exist within broader structural and policy constraints which impact on their ability to manage their own lives successfully or otherwise. Thus the project sought to combine indigenous and non-indigenous knowledge through bringing together the three strands of work in the way described.


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Introducing Evidence Based Health Policy: Problems and Possibilities, Section 1: What is the Problem?, 1: Competing Rationalities: Evidence based Health Policy, 2: Beyond Two Communities, Section 2: What does Evidence Mean?, 3: Evidence based Medicine - The Medical Profession and Health Policy, 4: Mind The Gap: Assessing the Quality of Evidence for Public Health Problems, 5: Health Policy and Normative Analysis: Ethics, Evidence and Politics, 6: What is New in Health Information? Evidence for Health Consumers and Policy Making, 7: From Evidence based Medicine to Evidence based Public Health, Section 3: Policy Case Studies, 8: The Viagra Affair: Evidence as the Terrain for Competing Partners, 9: Folate Fortification: A Case Study of Public Health Policy-Making in a Food Regulation Setting, 10: The Supply and Safety of Blood and Blood Products - Evidence, Risk and Policy, 11: The Development of Nurse Practitioner Policy, 12: Creating Healthy Public Policy for Oral Health: How was the Evidence Used?, 13: Regulation of Traditional Chinese Medicine in Victoria, 14: The Victorian Primary Health Care Reforms: A Case Study of Evidence-based Policy Making, 15: Evidence-based Practice in the Australian Drug Policy Community, 16: Challenging the Evidence - Women's Health Policy in Australia, 17: Evidence and Aboriginal Health Policy, 18: The Limits to Technical Rationality in the Health Inequalities Policy Process, 19: Evidence-based policy: A Technocratic Wish in a Political World, Section 4: Is the transfer of evidence into policy possible?, 20: The Community Model of Research Transfer, 21: Getting Research Transfer into Policy and Practice in Maternity Care, 22: Improving the Research and Policy Partnership: An Agenda for Research Transfer and Governance, 23: Framing and Taming 'Wicked' Problems

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This thesis investigates the use of scientific evidence in the process of making public health policy. A case study located within a food regulation setting is used. The aim is to test theory against this case study. The outcome is a theoretical understanding of the use of scientific evidence in the policy-making process in a food regulation setting. Food regulation can influence food composition and food labelling and thereby affect the population's dietary intake. Frequently there are contested values, beliefs, ideologies and interests among stakeholders regarding the use of food regulation as a policy instrument to effect public health outcomes. The protection of public health and safety, taking into account evidence based practice, is generally employed by food regulators as the priority objective during the policy-making process to adjudicate among the competing expectations of stakeholders. However, this policy objective has not been clearly defined and is vulnerable to interpretation and application. The process by which folate fortification policy was made in Australia, in response to epidemiological evidence of a relationship between folate intake during the periconceptional period and reduced risk of neural tube defects, was analysed as a case study of the policy-making process. The folate fortification policy created a precedent for both food fortification and subsequently health claims policy in Australia. A social constructivist method was used to analyse the case study. The method involved deconstructing the food regulatory system into three levels; decision-making process; procedural; and political environment. Data aligned with each level of analysis was collected from 22 key informant interviews, documentary sources, field notes and surveys of both a random sample of the Australian population's knowledge of folate and use of folic acid-containing supplements (n = 5422), and the implementation of folate fortified food products into stores (n = 60). The insights that emerged from each of the three levels of analysis were assessed iteratively to identify a pattern of interrelationships associated with the policy-making process within the food regulatory system. The identified pattern was interpreted against existing theory to gain a theoretical understanding of the public health policy-making process in this political setting. The central argument of this thesis extends Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith's Advocacy Coalition Framework theory to a food regulation setting. The argument is that within the contemporary political climates of neoliberalism and globalisation, a coalition between corporate interests and the values of scientists with a positivist-reductionist approach to public health research is privileged so as to invoke certain scientific evidence to, in turn, legitimise food regulation policy decisions. The theory will help to inform policy-makers about how and why the public health policy objective in a food regulation setting is interpreted and applied. This will contribute to improving policy practice intended to effect public health outcomes. It is concluded that irrespective of the quantity and quality of the scientific evidence that is being made available, scientific evidence cannot be assumed to speak for itself Policy-making is an inherently political and value-laden process and the potential for politically motivated interpretation and application of otherwise value-neutral scientific evidence can undermine the investment in its generation. From this perspective, evidence based practice, far from liberating policy-making from political influence, can itself become part of the problem rather than the solution. Nevertheless, rational evidence based practice is an ideal to strive for and a series of recommendations is proposed to help make the use of evidence in current food regulation policy processes more transparent and democratic.

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Provides a critical analysis of trends in health policy which are impacting on the role and practice of generalist community nurses in Victoria. The thesis draws on critical social theory to research and analyse trends in health policy in relation to the Community Health Program.