991 resultados para Nutrition policy


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Objective This study analyzed the internal functioning, organization and political participation of the local food and nutrition security council and possible implications of their participation on the creation of a municipal food and nutrition security policy in the city of Sao Paulo. Methods This qualitative study was done in three stages: document analysis; observation of meetings and semi-structured interviews with board members considered key informants. The axis of analysis was the political participation of the council, considering its internal aspects, like board members, operating dynamics of political participation of its members and the relationship between these topics and the council's actions for the definition and creation of a food and nutrition security policy. Results The intellectual profile of the board members does not represent the majority of the population, thereby facilitating the omission of actual issues in council discussions. Its strict internal dynamics and the asymmetry of its members generally prevent the active participation of board members and, specifically, discussions about a food and nutrition security policy. The so-called "militant members" have a differentiated, more aggressive participation, with greater mastery of the subject and its topics. Conclusion The board member profiles, internal organization of the council, complexity of the subject and its low insertion in the society distance the council from social needs and lead them to act incipiently with regard to the municipal policies of food and nutrition security.

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Background. Over half of children in the United States under age five spend 32 hours a week in child care, facilities, where they consume approximately 33-50% of their food intake. ^ Objectives. The aim of this research was to identify the effects of state nutrition policies on provision of food in child care centers. ^ Subjects. Eleven directors or their designee from ten randomly selected licensed child care centers in Travis County, Texas were interviewed. Centers included both nonprofit and for-profit centers, with enrollments ranging from 19 to 82. ^ Methods. Centers were selected using a web-based list of licensed child care providers in the Austin area. One-on-one interviews were conducted in person with center directors using a standard set of questions developed from previous pilot work. Interview items included demographic data, questions about state policies regarding provision of foods in centers, effects of policies on child care center budgets and foods offered, and changes in the provision of food. All interviews were audiotaped and transcribed, and themes were identified using standard qualitative techniques. ^ Results. Four of the centers provided both meals and snacks, four provided snacks only, and two did not provide any food. Directors of centers that provided food were more likely to report adherence to the Minimum Standards than directors of centers that did not. In general, center directors reported that the regulations were loosely enforced. In contrast, center directors were more concerned about a local city-county regulation that required food permits and new standards for kitchens. Most of these local regulations were cost prohibitive and, as a result, centers had changed the types of foods provided, which included providing less fresh produce and more prepackaged items. Although implementation of local regulations had reduced provision of fruits and vegetables to children, no adjustments were reported for allocation of resources, tuition costs or care of the children. ^ Conclusions. Qualitative data from a small sample of child care directors indicate that the implementation and accountability of food- and nutrition-related guidelines for centers is sporadic, uncoordinated, and can have unforeseen effects on the provision of food. A quantitative survey and dietary assessment methods should be conducted to verify these findings in a larger and more representative sample.^

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In 2011, expenditures for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) reached an all-time high of $72 billion. The goal of SNAP is " to alleviate hunger and malnutrition…by increasing food purchasing power for all eligible households who apply for participation." It has been well established that proper nutrition is essential to good health, making SNAP an important program to public health consumers. Thus, this analysis examined whether SNAP is meeting its stated goal and whether the goal would be reduced if the purchase of foods of minimal nutritional value (FMNV) were restricted. ^ A review of existing literature found that SNAP has been shown to alleviate hunger, but the studies on the nutritional impact of the program were not sufficient to assert whether change is needed. When considering whether limiting FMNV would reduce or improve the effectiveness of SNAP at alleviating hunger and malnutrition, there is very little information on which to base a policy change, particular one that singles out a low income group to restrict purchases. ^ Several states have attempted to restrict the purchase of FMNV but, to date, no such change has been implemented or tested. Conducting pilot studies on the restriction of FMNV, along with better data collection on SNAP purchases, would guide policy changes to the program. Although there are many potential public health benefits to restricting FMNV purchase using SNAP dollars, research is needed to quantify the cost impact of these benefits.^

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Objective: To evaluate the fruit and vegetable intakes of Australian adults aged 19-64 years. Methods: Intake data were collected as part of the National Nutrition Survey 1995 representing all Australian States and Territories, including city, metropolitan, rural and remote areas. Dietary intake of 8,891 19-to-64 year-olds was assessed using a structured 24-hour recall. Intake frequency was assessed as the proportion of participants consuming fruit and vegetables on the day prior to interview and variety was assessed as the number of subgroups of fruit and vegetables consumed. Intake levels were compared with the recommendations of the Australian Guide to Healthy Eating (AGHE). Results: Sixty-two per cent of participants consumed some fruit and 89% consumed some vegetables on the day surveyed. Males were less likely to consume fruit and younger adults less likely to consume fruit and vegetables compared with females and older adults respectively. Variety was primarily low (1 subcategory) for fruit and medium (3-4 subcategories) for vegetables. Thirty-two per cent of adults consumed the minimum two serves of fruit and 30% consumed the minimum five serves of vegetables as recommended by the AGHE. Eleven per cent of adults met the minimum recommendations for both fruit and vegetables. Conclusion: A large proportion of adults have fruit and vegetable intakes below the AGHE minimum recommendations. Implications: A nationally integrated, longterm campaign to increase fruit and vegetable consumption, supported by policy changes to address structural barriers to consumption, is vital to improve fruit and vegetable consumption among adults

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The International Network for Food and Obesity/non-communicable diseases Research, Monitoring and Action Support (INFORMAS) proposes to collect performance indicators on food policies, actions and environments related to obesity and non-communicable diseases. This paper reviews existing communications strategies used for performance indicators and proposes the approach to be taken for INFORMAS. Twenty-seven scoring and rating tools were identified in various fields of public health including alcohol, tobacco, physical activity, infant feeding and food environments. These were compared based on the types of indicators used and how they were quantified, scoring methods, presentation and the communication and reporting strategies used. There are several implications of these analyses for INFORMAS: the ratings/benchmarking approach is very commonly used, presumably because it is an effective way to communicate progress and stimulate action, although this has not been formally evaluated; the tools used must be trustworthy, pragmatic and policy-relevant; multiple channels of communication will be needed; communications need to be tailored and targeted to decision-makers; data and methods should be freely accessible. The proposed communications strategy for INFORMAS has been built around these lessons to ensure that INFORMAS's outputs have the greatest chance of being used to improve food environments.

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Government action is essential to increase the healthiness of food environments and reduce obesity, diet-related non-communicable diseases (NCDs), and their related inequalities. This paper proposes a monitoring framework to assess government policies and actions for creating healthy food environments. Recommendations from relevant authoritative organizations and expert advisory groups for reducing obesity and NCDs were examined, and pertinent components were incorporated into a comprehensive framework for monitoring government policies and actions. A Government Healthy Food Environment Policy Index (Food-EPI) was developed, which comprises a ‘policy’ component with seven domains on specific aspects of food environments, and an ‘infrastructure support’ component with seven domains to strengthen systems to prevent obesity and NCDs. These were revised through a week-long consultation process with international experts. Examples of good practice statements are proposed within each domain, and these will evolve into benchmarks established by governments at the forefront of creating and implementing food policies for good health. A rating process is proposed to assess a government's level of policy implementation towards good practice. The Food-EPI will be pre-tested and piloted in countries of varying size and income levels. The benchmarking of government policy implementation has the potential to catalyse greater action to reduce obesity and NCDs.

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Contemporary nutrition policies and plans call for focussing efforts to improve nutrition through a closer connection with food and the everyday practicalities of how people live and eat. Various words have been used to articulate what this might mean in practice. More recently, the term “food literacy” has emerged to explain this gap between the policy aims the (in)ability of people to know, understand and use food to meet nutrition recommendations. Despite its increasing use, there is no common understanding of this term or its components. Once established, food literacy could be measured in order to examine its association with nutritional outcomes. A Delphi study of 43 Australian food experts from diverse sectors and settings explored their understanding of the term “food literacy”, the likely components and possible relationship with nutrition. The three round Delphi study began with a semi-structured telephone interview and was followed by two online surveys. Constructivist grounded theory was used to analyse data, from which a conceptual model of the relationship between food literacy and nutrition was developed. The model was then tested and refined following a phenomenological study of 37 young people aged 16-25 years who were responsible for feeding themselves. They were interviewed about their food intake, day-to-day food decision making, the knowledge and skills used and their perceptions of someone who is “good with food”. Analysis from the Delphi study identified, eighty components of food literacy and these were grouped into eight domains: 1)access, 2)planning and management, 3)selection, 4)knowing where food comes from, 5)preparation, 6)eating, 7)nutrition and 8)food related language. When these were compared to results of the Young People’s study it was found that while specific components of food literacy were largely contextual, the importance of all eight domains continued to be relevant. The results of these qualitative studies have set the boundaries and scope of meaning of food literacy and will be used to inform the development of measurable variables to be tested in a quantitative cross-sectional study. This prospective study will examine the relationship between food literacy and nutrition. This research is useful in guiding government strategy and investment, and informing the planning, implementation and evaluation of interventions by practitioners.

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This chapter describes the evolution of a model to propose the relationship between food literacy and nutrition. This model can also be used as a framework for program planning, implementation and evaluation. Practitioners and policy makers invest in food literacy with outcome expectations beyond diet quality. For this reason, a second model was developed to conceptualise the role of food literacy with respect to food security, body weight and chronic disease risk. This second model is useful in positioning food literacy within multi-strategic public health nutrition and chronic disease plans.