981 resultados para Illicit drug


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Capillary electrophoresis (CE) with Ru(bpy)(3)(2+) electrochemiluminescence. (ECL) detection system was established to the determination of contamination of banknotes with controlled drugs and a high efficiency on-column field-amplified sample stacking (FASS) technique was also optimized to increase the ECL intensity. The method was illustrated using heroin and cocaine, which are two typical and popular illicit drugs. Highest sample stacking was obtained when 0.01 mM acetic acid was chosen for sample dissolution with electrokinetical injection for 6 s at 17 kV. Under the optimized conditions: ECL detection at 1.2 V, separation voltage 10.0 kV, 20 mM phosphate-acetate (pH 7.2) as running buffer, 5 mM Ru(bpy)(3)(2+) with 50 mM phosphate-acetate (pH 7.2) in the detection cell, the standard curves were linear in the range of 7.50 x 10(-8) to 1.00 x 10(-5) M for heroin and 2.50 x 10(-7) to 1.00 x 10(-4) M for cocaine and detection limits of 50 nM for heroin and 60 nM for cocaine were achieved (S/N = 3), respectively. Relative standard derivations of the ECL intensity and the migration time were 3.50 and 0.51% for heroin and 4.44 and 0.12% for cocaine, respectively.The developed method was successfully applied to the determination of heroin and cocaine on illicit drug contaminated banknotes without any damage of the paper currency.

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It is now common for young people in full-time compulsory education to hold part-time jobs. However, whilst the 1990s experienced a rise in illicit drug use particularly among young people and an increase in the level of interest for identifying factors associated with drug use, little attention has been paid to the influence of the money young people have to spend and its potential links with drug use. Four thousand five hundred and twenty-four young people living in Northern Ireland completed a questionnaire in school year 10 (aged 13/14 years). The findings suggested there was a positive association between the amount of money (and its source) young people received and higher rates of drug use. The study concludes that money, and how it is spent by young people, may be an important factor for consideration when investigating drug use during adolescence. The findings may help inform drug prevention strategies particularly through advice on money management, and taking responsibility for their own money.

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This paper reports on the findings from a longitudinal survey of the drug use behaviours of young people who were attending Emotional and Behavioural Difficulty (EBD) units from the age of 11-16 years. It forms part of the Belfast Youth Development Study, a longitudinal study of adolescent drug use. This paper presents a follow-up report to a cross-sectional paper that reported on drug use behaviours of a sample of young people attending EBD units when aged 12/13 years at school year 9 (McCrystal et al 2005a). In the present paper reported drug use and behaviours associated with increased risk of its use between the ages of 11-16 years were examined. The findings show that those attending EBD Units consistently reported higher levels of licit and illicit drug use throughout adolescence. Compared with young people in mainstream school, higher levels of behaviours associated with drug use including antisocial behaviour, disaffection with school, and poor communication with their parents/guardians were noted. These findings have implications for the development and timing of targeted prevention initiatives for young people attending EBD units at all stages of adolescent development.

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This study focuses on individuals' preferences for mephedrone, a new psychoactive substance that has emerged in several countries. We examine the reasons for mephedrone preferences, and describe the positive and negative effects of the drug experience, route of administration and consumers' views about the legality of mephedrone. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 45 adults who had used mephedrone since January 2010. Respondents resided in one of two jurisdictions that were characterized by different legislative controls over mephedrone. The findings suggest the importance of macro-level drug market factors that shaped people's preferences for mephedrone. Additionally, respondents' preferences were guided by pharmacological properties that helped them conceal the effects of mephedrone in public and semi-public spaces. Respondents were not deterred by the (impending) change from legal to illicit drug. The findings have implications for the study of localized drug markets, and in particular, legislative controls over emerging legal highs.

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Nicotine cessation programmes in Switzerland, which are commonly based on the stage of change model of Prochaska and DiClemente (1983), are rarely offered to patients with illicit drug dependence. This stands in contrast to the high smoking rates and the heavy burden of tobacco-related problems in these patients. The stage of change was therefore assessed by self-administered questionnaire in 100 inpatients attending an illegal drug withdrawal programme. Only 15% of the patients were in the contemplation or decision stage. 93% considered smoking cessation to be difficult or very difficult. These data show a discrepancy between the motivation to change illegal drug consumption habits and the motivation for smoking cessation. The high proportion of patients remaining in the precontemplation stage for smoking cessation, in spite of their motivation for illicit drug detoxification, may be due to the perception that cessation of smoking is more difficult than illicit drug abuse cessation.

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Although alcohol problems and alcohol consumption are related, consumption does not fully account for differences in vulnerability to alcohol problems. Therefore, other factors should account for these differences. Based on previous research, it was hypothesized that risky drinking behaviours, illicit and prescription drug use, affect and sex differences would account for differences in vulnerability to alcohol problems while statistically controlling for overall alcohol consumption. Four models were developed that were intended to test the predictive ability of these factors, three of which tested the predictor sets separately and a fourth which tested them in a combined model. In addition, two distinct criterion variables were regressed on the predictors. One was a measure of the frequency that participants experienced negative consequences that they attributed to their drinking and the other was a measure of the extent to which participants perceived themselves to be problem drinkers. Each of the models was tested on four samples from different populations, including fIrst year university students, university students in their graduating year, a clinical sample of people in treatment for addiction, and a community sample of young adults randomly selected from the general population. Overall, support was found for each of the models and each of the predictors in accounting for differences in vulnerability to alcohol problems. In particular, the frequency with which people become intoxicated, frequency of illicit drug use and high levels of negative affect were strong and consistent predictors of vulnerability to alcohol problems across samples and criterion variables. With the exception of the clinical sample, the combined models predicted vulnerability to negative consequences better than vulnerability to problem drinker status. Among the clinical and community samples the combined model predicted problem drinker status better than in the student samples.

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Although youth drug and alcohol harm minimization policies in Australia are often contrasted with the abstinence and zero tolerance policies adopted in the United States, there has been little research directly comparing youth substance use behaviour in the two countries. Three state representative samples in Victoria, Australia (n = 7898) and in the US states of Oregon (n = 15 224) and Maine (n = 16 245) completed a common cross-sectional student survey. Rates of alcohol use (lifetime alcohol use, recent use in the past 30 days), alcohol use exceeding recommended consumption limits (binge drinking: five or more drinks in a session), other licit drug use (tobacco use), and norm-violating substance use (substance use at school, use in the past 30 days of marijuana or other illicit drug use) were compared for males and females at ages 12-17. Rates were lower (odds ratios 0.5-0.8) for youth in Maine and Oregon compared to Victoria for lifetime and recent alcohol use, binge drinking and daily cigarette smoking. However, rates of recent marijuana use and recent use of other illicit drugs were higher in Maine and Oregon, as were reports of being drunk or high at school. In contradiction of harm minimization objectives, Victoria, relative to the US states of Oregon and Maine, demonstrated higher rates of alcohol use exceeding recommended consumption limits and daily tobacco use. However, findings suggested that aspects of norm-violating substance use (substance use at school, marijuana use and other illicit drug use) were higher in the US states compared to Victoria.

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Freedom, autonomy, enslavement and coercion have a multitude of meanings which are determined by the writer’s discipline background and intent, even more so in the area of illicit drugs’ policy and treatment. This paper proposes to begin to untangle the multiplicity of meanings which are attached to two contrasting forms of illicit drugs treatment, harm minimisation and abstinence-based treatments. Both treatment regimes lay claim to the high moral ground in this regard - freedom and autonomy are explicit terms used in the rhetoric of both. How this can best be understood and what sociologists can contribute to the debates about illicit drug treatments is the terrain this paper traverses. It does this by laying out the different meanings of the terms in social theory and then by trying to understand the ‘truth’ claims of treatment proponents and using a Foucauldian perspective to critique these claims.

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This article documents the impact of a police crackdown on a street heroin market in a suburb of Melbourne, Australia, as perceived by individuals involved in the market. While our data suggest that ‘Operation Clean Heart’ achieved its objective of reducing the visible aspects of this street drug scene, they also imply that the drug market rapidly adapted to its new conditions and that the impact of the operation was essentially superficial and temporary. In addition, we contend that the operation had numerous (unintended) negative consequences, some of which are potentially harmful to public health. Negative outcomes implied by our data included the partial displacement of the drug scene to nearby metropolitan areas; the discouragement of safe injecting practice and safe needle and syringe disposal; and more frequent occurrences of violence and fraud. These outcomes may outweigh the perceived positive impacts, which were achieved at significant public expense. We conclude that police crackdowns are inappropriate responses to illicit drug problems; instead, in line with longstanding Australian policy, approaches which incorporate and balance demand reduction, supply reduction and harm reduction principles should be followed.

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Using mail survey data collected from primary and secondary school administrators in Washington State, United States, and in Victoria, Australia, this study compared aspects of the school drug policy environment in the 2 states. Documented substance-use policies were prevalent in Washington and Victoria but less prevalent in primary schools, especially in Victoria. Victorian school policy-setting processes were significantly more likely to involve teachers, parents, and students than processes in Washington schools. Consistent with expectations based on their respective national drug policy frameworks, school drug policies in Washington schools were more oriented toward total abstinence and more frequently enforced with harsh punishment (such as expulsion or calling law enforcement), whereas policies in Victorian schools were more reflective of harm-minimization principles. Within both states, however, schools more regularly used harsh punishment and remediation consequences for alcohol and illicit-drug violations compared to tobacco policy violations, which were treated more leniently. (J Sch Health. 2005;75(4):134-140)

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Objective: To investigate the perceived risks and benefits that elite athletes associate with illicit drugs and their beliefs concerning the effects of recreational drug use on athletic performance.

Design: Self-administered survey.

Participants: Nine hundred seventy-four elite athletes (mean age, 23 years; range, 18-30 years) were recruited from 8 national sporting organizations in Australia and the Australian Institute of Sport.

Interventions: Participants completed a self-administered survey that included questions exploring participants’ perceptions regarding the effects of illicit drug use on physical performance.

Setting: National sporting organization meetings or competitions.

Main Outcome Measures: The main outcome measure was risk perception on athletic performance associated with illicit drug use.

Results: The majority of athletes believed that illicit drug use would impact negatively on athletic performance. The main perceived effects of illicit drugs on athletic performance were physical and mental functioning. A minority of athletes indicated that drug use would not impact on physical performance when taken during the offseason or in moderation.

Conclusions: The main risks perceived in association with illicit drug use were short-term consequences, such as physical and mental functioning, rather than long-term health consequences. The current findings may contribute to the development of harm reduction strategies that communicate drug-related consequences to elite athletes in an appropriate and effective manner.


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This paper critiques the prescriptions of management gurus by charting parallels between management culture and drug culture over the last two decades. I argue that the ‘quick fixes’ peddled by gurus mirror the illicit drug fix of choice popularised in the same era. I suggest that, in terms of the specific nature of their promised highs, Excellence mirrored Ecstasy, and Business Process Reengineering mirrored Heroin. By tracing resonance with drug fixes, I introduce another way to understand why particular corporate fixes are found so attractive, locating this in patterns of addiction and in the gurus’ ability to exploit wider shared cultural contexts. The paper ends by suggesting that the comparison with the world of illicit drugs has lessons not only for our understandings of management and management gurus, but also for critical management academics engagement with both the gurus and our wider audiences.

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Alcohol and drug use are major health concerns on university and college campuses. It has previously been found that parental rearing patterns are related to the frequency of substance use. Further, perceptions that drug use is dangerous have been found to be related to less substance use. However, little research has directly examined the impact of parental rearing patterns on substance use by university students, and no research has examined the effects of both risk perception and parenting on substance use. Therefore, this research surveyed the frequency and extent of alcohol, cigarette and illicit drug use by students (N = 336) at a Canadian university residence, classes and health services and examined the relationship between the results with parental bonding and risk perception. It was found that “affectionless control” parenting patterns in the mother, but not the father, were related to greater drinking and drinking problems and to the use of illicit substances. Lower perceptions of risk were related to greater use of alcohol, cigarettes, cannabis and other illicit substances. Unexpectedly, there was little relationship between parental rearing and risk perceptions, suggesting that there are other avenues whereby parenting leads to greater alcohol use. Implications are discussed.

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AIMS: This study aimed to 1) estimate the prevalence of illicit drug use in night-time entertainment districts across five major cities in Australia; and 2) validate self-reported drug use using biochemical marker oral swabs. DESIGN: Street intercept surveys and oral drug swabs conducted over a seven-month period during 2011-2012. SETTING: The night-time entertainment districts of three metropolitan cities (Sydney, Melbourne and Perth) and two regional cities (Wollongong and Geelong) in Australia, between the hours of 10 pm and 5 am. PARTICIPANTS: 7,340 individuals agreed to participate in the survey (a 93% response rate). More than half (62%) of the sample was male, with a median age of 22 years (range 18-73). MEASUREMENTS: Patrons were approached in thoroughfares, and while entering and leaving licensed venues. Data collected included demographics and current session alcohol and other substance use. Drug swabs (n = 401) were performed with a sub-sample of participants. FINDINGS: Approximately 9% (95% CI, 7% to 12%) of participants self-reported consumption of illicit or non-prescribed pharmaceutical drugs prior to interview; of those, 81% identified psychostimulants as the drug used. One in five drug swabs returned a positive result, with psychostimulants the most commonly detected drugs (15%; 95% CI, 12%-19%). Kappa statistics indicate agreement between self-report of any illicit drug and a positive drug swab is in the slight range (κ = 0.12 (95% CI, .05 to .20) p = .000). CONCLUSIONS: Self-report findings suggest drug use in the nightlife in Australia is common, though still very much a minority past-time. Drug swabs indicate a higher prevalence of use (20%) than self-report (9%), which suggests that self-reported drug use may not be reliable in this context. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.