Globalization and suburbanization : can creative industries develop in outer urban zones? the Australian case

The creative cities literature gives an emphasis to developing cultural amenity and creative clusters in inner city areas, in order to attract both international visitors and what Richard Florida termed the “creative class”. But many creative workers live in outer urban zones (suburbs). How do creative industries policies meet their needs? This paper reports on a three-year study supported by the Australian Research Council into creative workforce in Australian suburbs in the cities of Melbourne and Brisbane.

Making connections : creative industries networks in outer urban locations

The role of networks and their contribution to sustaining and developing creative industries is well documented (Wittel 2001, Kong 2005, Pratt, 2007). This article argues that although networks operate across geographical boundaries, particularly through the use of communication technologies, the majority of studies have focussed on the ways in which networks operate among creative industry workers located in a) specific inner-urban metropolitan regions or b) specific industries. Such studies are informed by the geographical mindset of creative city proponents such as Florida (2002) and Landry (2000) in which inner-urban precincts are seen as the prime location or ‘hub’ for creative industries activity, business development and opportunity. But what of those creative industries situated beyond the inner city? Evidence in Australia suggests that there is increasing creative industries activity beyond the inner city, in outer-suburban and ex-urban areas (Gibson and Brennan-Horley 2006). This article identifies features of networks operating two outer-suburban locations.

Introduction : creative industries and cities

The 2000s were marked by a resurgence of interest in creativity and cities. If the rapid global proliferation of the Internet and digital media technologies in the 1990s had set off enthusiasm for a post-industrial ‘new economy’, where the significance of location would be in decline, the 2000s saw an energetic search by artists, entrepreneurs, investors, policy-makers, journalists and many others to uncover the well-springs of creativity and its relationship to place (Flew 2012a). This chapter begins with a discussion of the discourses or ‘scripts’ that have emerged to try and conceptualise the relationship between creativity and cities, notably theories of creative clusters, creative cities and creative class theories. Such work can be seen as representing a growth in the field of cultural economic geography although – as is noted in the chapter – it possesses some significant gaps. Among the issues that are drawn out in this book, and discussed in this chapter, are: the need to move beyond ‘imagined geographies’ of creative inner cities and come to terms with empirical evidence that suggests significant concentrations of the creative workforce in suburbs and regional cities; the relevance of urban cultural policy as a variable in the rise of cities as creative hubs or, in a different model, media capitals; and the challenges of bringing together cultural research with economic discourses in ways that get beyond caricatured representations of the ‘other’, as found, for instance, in some of the most influential framings of the concept of neo-liberalism.

Creative industries and the wider economy

Researchers have argued that the creative industries have significant effects on the wider economy, with early agendas focused on urban regeneration, job creation, and economic value-added. Later work extended to new firm creation, the growth of new markets, and regional clustering and development. This chapter reviews the evolution of thinking on classifying the creative industries as a ‘sector’, or group of sectors, and outlines contributions on economic ‘spillovers’ regarding knowledge, innovation, and graduate talent. Work on creative clusters has highlighted the widespread adoption of forms of organization and contracting developed in such clusters. Later work by the authors has contributed a ‘creative trident’ model, and shifted focus to employment and the position of creative workers in the economy, showing that there are more creatives working outside the creative industries than within them. The chapter reflects on the specific role of design and the relationship between the creative industries and innovation.

Cultural economic geography and global media studies : the rise of asian media capitals?

This paper considers the scope to develop an approach to the spatial dimensions of media and culture that is informed by cultural-economic geography. I refer to cultural-economic geography as that strand of research in the field of geography that has been informed on the one hand by the ‘cultural turn’ in both geographical and economic thought, and which focuses on the relationship between, space, knowledge and identity in the spheres of production and consumption, and on the other to work by geographers that has sought to map the scale and significance of the cultural or creative industries as new drivers of the global economy. The paper considers the extent to which this work enables those engaged with urban cultural policy to get beyond some of the impasses that have arisen with the development of “creative cities” policies derived from the work of authors such as Richard Florida as well as the business management literature on clusters. It will frame these debates in the context of recent work by Michael Curtin on media capitals, and the question of whether cities in East Asia can emerge as media capitals from outside of the US-Europe-dominated transnational cultural axis.

Re-imagining China's future : soft power, cultural presence and the East Asian media market

As various contributors to this volume suggest, the term soft power is multifaceted. In 2002 Joseph Nye, the political scientist who coined the term more than a decade previously, noted that the soft power of a country rests on three resources: a country’s culture, its political values, and its foreign policies (Nye 2002). However, several factors can be drawn together to explain China’s adoption of this concept. First, China’s economic influence has precipitated a groundswell of nationalism, which reached its apex at the Opening Ceremony of the 2008 Beijing Olympics. This global media event provided an international platform to demonstrate China’s new found self-confidence. Second, cultural diplomacy and foreign aid, particularly through Third World channels is seen by the Chinese Communist Party leadership as an appropriate way to extend Chinese influence globally (Kurlantzick 2007). Third, education in Chinese culture through globally dispersed Confucius Institutes is charged with improving international understanding of Chinese culture and values, and in the process renovating negative images of China. Fourth, the influence of Japanese and Korean popular culture on China’s youth cultures in recent years has caused acute discomfit to cultural nationalists. Many contend it is time to stem the tide. Fifth, the past few years have witnessed a series of lively debates about the importance of industries such as design, advertising, animation and fashion, resulting in the construction of hundreds of creative clusters, animation centres, film backlots, cultural precincts, design centres and artist lofts.

Shanghai : images of modernity

This chapter profiles China's biggest city and economic powerhouse, Shanghai. The authors examine the city’s use of culture to position itself as a global city and how a particular narrative of the city has informed western commentators and Shanghai policy makers. They also analyze the development of an arts and cultural infrastructure and the parallel separation of art and entertainment, with contemporary art as an unexpected challenge, but one the city successfully negotiated. They looks at the marketisation of culture and the context in which this takes place, tracing the connections between market reforms in culture and those in the wider economy. The authors are convinced that the half-formed or distorted use of western concepts like creative industries or creative clusters, rather than indicating a duplicity or an incomplete modernity actually highlight some of the complicities of canonical cultural policy.

Three Interventions on culture-led regeneration in Gwanju, Korea

These three interventions, given over a three day period in 2010, concern the proposed multifunctional exhibition hall in Gwanju, Korea. The three interventions cover some theoretical and historical issues, but also consider the practical aspects of such a project.

The art of re-industrialisation in Shanghai

This paper deals with the development of ‘art clusters’ and their relocation in the city of Shanghai. It first looks at the revival of the city’s old inner city industrial area (along banks of Suzhou River) through ‘organic’ or ‘alternative’ artist-led cultural production; second, it describes the impact on these activities of the industrial restructuring of the wider city, reliant on large-scale real estate development, business services and global finance; and finally, outlines the relocation of these arts (and related) cultural industries to dispersed CBD locations as a result of those spatial, industrial and policy changes.

The cluster effect in China: Real or imagined?

Policy makers, urban planners and economic geographers readily acknowledge the potential value of industrial clustering. Clusters attract policy makers’ interest because it is widely held that they are a way of connecting agglomeration to innovation and human capital to investment. Urban planners view clustering as a way of enticing creative human capital, the so-called ‘creative class’, that is, creative people are predisposed to live where there is a range of cultural infrastructure and amenities. Economists and geographers have contrived to promote clustering as a solution to stalled regional development. In the People’s Republic of China, over the past decade the cluster has become the default setting of the cultural and creative industries, the latter a composite term applied to the quantifiable outputs of artists, designers and media workers as well as related service sectors such as tourism, advertising and management. The thinking behind many cluster projects is to ‘pick winners’. In this sense the rapid expansion in the number of cultural and creative clusters in China over the past decade is not so very different from the early 1990s, a period that saw an outbreak of innovation parks, most of which inevitably failed to deliver measurable innovation and ultimately served as revenue-generating sources for district governments via real estate speculation. Since the early years of the first decade of the new millennium the cluster model has been pressed into the service of cultural development.

Corresponding geographies: Remapping work and workplace in the age of digital media

This essay makes three related claims about digital media creative clusters through a case study of the Hub in Glasgow, Scotland. First, online social networking platforms are an increasingly “common sense” feature that property developers include to attract media workers to purpose-built properties. Second, integrating and managing professional identities through the construction of place are considered necessary to promote that place to a larger audience. Finally, reorganizing place in this way refashions creative work as a more nebulous concept, a process that integrates formerly distinct aspects of our work and nonwork lives into the common pursuit of innovation for economic gain.

Media Village Generates Hype, Few Results in Glasgow

Driven by a desire to redevelop derelict land, attract inward investments, and better exploit the commercial potential of local talent, public authorities in Glasgow are partnering with private developers to transform an abandoned industrial dockland into a riverside business cluster for the creative industries. It’s a strategy increasingly common in a number of other peripheral regions and it highlights the new role “creativity” plays in urban rejuvenation, social renewal, and economic development. At its core, the strategy also betrays a troubling policy shift away from certain democratic conceptions of culture to ones that are more attuned to economic considerations shaped by global influences.

Goodbye Brigadoon: Place, Production, and Identity in Global Glasgow

Goodbye Brigadoon examines the shifting role media production plays in the economic and cultural strategies of global cities in small market nations, specifically Glasgow, Scotland. In particular, this project focuses on the formation of a digital media village along the banks of the River Clyde to argue the site constitutes a logical component to Glasgow’s ongoing transformation into a cosmopolitan center. Yet, as the regional government’s economic strategies and policy directives work to transform the abandoned waterfront into a center of cultural activity, this project also underscores the contradictory cultural dynamics to emerge from media production’s new role in the post-industrial city. At its core, the media hub reveals a regional government more interested in the technology used to deliver “national” stories than the manner of the stories themselves or the cultural practices responsible for creating them. Indeed, Goodbye Brigadoon is most interested in how media professionals based at the emergent cluster negotiate a sense of cultural identity and creative license against the institutional constraints, policy matters, and commercial logic they also must navigate in their workaday rituals. Ultimately, the conclusions offered in this project argue for a more complicated conception of the global-local location where these professionals work. Glasgow’s digital media village, in other words, is much more than an innocuous site of competitive advantage, urban regeneration, and job growth. It is best understood as a site of intense social struggle and unequal power relations where local mediamakers often find the site’s impetus for multiplatform media production an institutionally enforced false promise at odds with the realities of creative labor in the city.

“A special kind of city knowledge” : innovative clusters, tacit knowledge and the ‘Creative City’

That the cultural industries are highly networked and operate in clusters is now well established. The notion of cluster is linked to the idea of place-based advantage with cultural industries gaining competitive advantage from mobilising the resources of places to compete in global markets. ‘Place’ in the cultural industries is frequently taken to be the city where city is seen as the key resource for cultural industry clusters and a primary point of intervention for cultural industry policy in creative city policy making. In this article I want to look at some of the implications of these moves for both academic research and policy discussion. The reasons for this emphasis on policy relates to some large questions of urban governance and cultural politics surrounding the proactive government of clusters which are raised by recent work on the cultural industries, notably by Alan Scott.

Creative industry clusters in Shanghai : a success story?

In 2005 the Shanghai municipal government adopted the notion of ‘creative industries’ as part of their economic development strategy. At the same time, they officially recognized a number of ‘Creative Industry Clusters’ (CIC) in the city; over the next five years these official clusters grew to over ninety in number. The active promotion of CIC by the local state can thus been seen as central to its adoption of the creative industries agenda, in turn part of its aspiration to become a modern, global metropolis. In the first part of this paper we look at the emergence of the creative industry agenda in China, making some general observations about the need to place such policy transfer in its specific context. We suggest how this agenda might be understood in the national context of China’s economic and cultural policy development. In the second we give a critical account of the development of the creative industries agenda in Shanghai and its relationship to that for CIC. We argue that this agenda had more to do with real estate development than the promotion of a ‘creative milieu’ or ‘ecosystem’, and we also give some reasons as to why this was the case. In the third section we provide some new evidence to suggest the increasing disjunction between CIC and such a wider ‘creative milieu’. In the final section we suggest some new ways in which these CIC might be approached by local government in Shanghai .