174 resultados para Adhésion


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While party membership figures are clearly in decline in several Western countries, different interpretations have been offered on the likely consequences of this trend. Some authors stress that members have lost most of their importance for political parties that increasingly rely on professionalized campaign techniques. Other scholars have expressed concern about the decline of party membership. They emphasize the fact that party members continue to function as an important linkage mechanism providing a structural alignment between the party and society (and thus also to potential voters). By means of an election forecasting model for Belgium, we test whether party membership figures still can be related to election results. Results show that party membership has a strong effect on election results, and furthermore, that this relation does not weaken during the period under investigation (1981-2010). The analysis also demonstrates that forecasting models can also be used in a complex multiparty system like Belgium.

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While party membership figures are clearly in decline in several Western countries, different interpretations have been offered on the likely consequences of this trend. Some authors stress that members have lost most of their importance for political parties that increasingly rely on professionalized campaign techniques. Other scholars have expressed concern about the decline of party membership. They emphasize the fact that party members continue to function as an important linkage mechanism providing a structural alignment between the party and society (and thus also to potential voters). By means of an election forecasting model for Belgium, we test whether party membership figures still can be related to election results. Results show that party membership has a strong effect on election results, and furthermore, that this relation does not weaken during the period under investigation (1981-2010). The analysis also demonstrates that forecasting models can also be used in a complex multiparty system like Belgium.

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Party identification traditionally is seen as an important linkage mechanism, connecting voters to the party system. Previous analyses have suggested that the level of party identity is in decline in Germany, and in this article, we first expand previous observations with more recent data. These suggest that the erosion of party identity continues up to the present time. An age-period-cohort analysis of the panel data of the SOEP panel suggests that period effects are significantly negative. Furthermore, it can be observed that throughout the 1992-2009 observation period, education level and political interest have become more important determinants of party identity. Contrary to some of the literature, therefore, it can be shown that the loss of party identity is concentrated among groups with lower levels of political sophistication, indicating that the socio-economic profile of the group with a sense of party identification has become more distinct compared to the population as a whole. In the discussion, we investigate the theoretical and democratic consequences of this trend.

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The economic voting literature has been dominated by the incumbency-oriented hypothesis, where voters reward or punish government at the ballot box according to economic performance. The alternative, policy-oriented hypothesis, where voters favor parties closest to their issue position, has been neglected in this literature. We explore policy voting with respect to an archetypal economic policy issue – unemployment. Voters who favor lower unemployment should tend to vote for left parties, since they “own” the issue. Examining a large time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) pool of Western European nations, we find some evidence for economic policy voting. However, it exists in a form conditioned by incumbency. According to varied tests, left incumbents actually experience a net electoral cost, if the unemployment rate climbs under their regime. Incumbency, then, serves to break any natural economic policy advantage that might accrue to the left due to the unemployment issue.

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Election forecasting models assume retrospective economic voting and clear mechanisms of accountability. Previous research indeed indicates that incumbent political parties are being held accountable for the state of the economy. In this article we develop a ‘hard case’ for the assumptions of election forecasting models. Belgium is a multiparty system with perennial coalition governments. Furthermore, Belgium has two completely segregated party systems (Dutch and French language). Since the prime minister during the period 1974-2011 has always been a Dutch language politician, French language voters could not even vote for the prime minister, so this cognitive shortcut to establish political accountability is not available. Results of an analysis for the French speaking parties (1981-2010) show that even in these conditions of opaque accountability, retrospective economic voting occurs as election results respond to indicators with regard to GDP and unemployment levels. Party membership figures can be used to model the popularity function in election forecasting.

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Contexte : En dépit du fait que la tuberculose est un problème de santé publique important dans les pays en voie de développement, les pays occidentaux doivent faire face à des taux d'infection important chez certaines populations immigrantes. Le risque de développer la TB active est 10% plus élevé chez les personnes atteintes de TB latente si elles ne reçoivent pas de traitement adéquat. La détection et le traitement opportun de la TB latente sont non seulement nécessaires pour préserver la santé de l'individu atteint mais aussi pour réduire le fardeau socio- économique et sanitaire du pays hôte. Les taux d'observance des traitements préventifs de TB latente sont faibles et une solution efficace à ce problème est requise pour contrôler la prévalence de l'infection. L'objectif de ce mémoire est d'identifier les facteurs qui contribuent à l'observance thérapeutique des traitements de TB latente auprès de nouveaux arrivants dans les pays occidentaux où les taux endémiques sont faibles. Méthodologie : Une revue systématique a été effectuée à partir de bases de données et répertoires scientifiques reconnus tels Medline, Medline in Process, Embase, Global Health, Cumulative Index to Nursing, le CINAHL et la librairie Cochrane pour en citer quelques un. Les études recensées ont été publiées après 1997 en français, en anglais, conduites auprès de populations immigrantes de l'occident (Canada, Etats-Unis, Europe, Royaume-Uni, Australie et la Nouvelle Zélande) dont le statut socio-économique est homogène. Résultats : Au total, neuf (9) études réalisées aux Etats-Unis sur des immigrants originaires de différents pays où la TB est endémique ont été analysées: deux (2) études qualitatives ethnographiques, six (6) quantitatives observationnelles et une (1) quantitative interventionnelle. Les facteurs sociodémographiques, les caractéristiques individuelles, familiales, ainsi que des déterminants liés à l'accès et à la prestation des services et soins de santé, ont été analysés pour identifier des facteurs d'observance thérapeutique. L'âge, le nombre d'années passées dans le pays hôte, le sexe, le statut civil, l'emploi, le pays d'origine, le soutien familiale et les effets secondaires et indésirables du traitement de la TB ne sont pas des facteurs ii déterminants de l'adhésion au traitement préventif. Toutefois, l’accès à l'information et de l'éducation adaptées aux langues et cultures des populations immigrantes, sur la TB et des objectifs de traitement explicites, l'offre de plan de traitement plus court et mieux tolérés, un environnement stable, un encadrement et l'adhésion au suivi médical par des prestataires motivés ont émergés comme des déterminants d'observance thérapeutique. Conclusion et recommandation : Le manque d'observance thérapeutique du traitement de la TB latente (LTBI) par des populations immigrantes, qui sont déjà aux prises avec des difficultés d'intégration, de communication et économique, est un facteur de risque pour les pays occidentaux où les taux endémiques de TB sont faibles. Les résultats de notre étude suggèrent que des interventions adaptées, un suivi individuel, un encadrement clinique et des plans de traitement plus courts, peuvent grandement améliorer les taux d'observance et d'adhésion aux traitements préventifs, devenant ainsi un investissement pertinent pour les pays hôtes.

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Party identification traditionally is seen as an important linkage mechanism, connecting voters to the party system. Previous analyses have suggested that the level of party identity is in decline in Germany, and in this article, we first expand previous observations with more recent data. These suggest that the erosion of party identity continues up to the present time. An age-period-cohort analysis of the panel data of the SOEP panel suggests that period effects are significantly negative. Furthermore, it can be observed that throughout the 1992-2009 observation period, education level and political interest have become more important determinants of party identity. Contrary to some of the literature, therefore, it can be shown that the loss of party identity is concentrated among groups with lower levels of political sophistication, indicating that the socio-economic profile of the group with a sense of party identification has become more distinct compared to the population as a whole. In the discussion, we investigate the theoretical and democratic consequences of this trend.

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The economic voting literature has been dominated by the incumbency-oriented hypothesis, where voters reward or punish government at the ballot box according to economic performance. The alternative, policy-oriented hypothesis, where voters favor parties closest to their issue position, has been neglected in this literature. We explore policy voting with respect to an archetypal economic policy issue – unemployment. Voters who favor lower unemployment should tend to vote for left parties, since they “own” the issue. Examining a large time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) pool of Western European nations, we find some evidence for economic policy voting. However, it exists in a form conditioned by incumbency. According to varied tests, left incumbents actually experience a net electoral cost, if the unemployment rate climbs under their regime. Incumbency, then, serves to break any natural economic policy advantage that might accrue to the left due to the unemployment issue.

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Election forecasting models assume retrospective economic voting and clear mechanisms of accountability. Previous research indeed indicates that incumbent political parties are being held accountable for the state of the economy. In this article we develop a ‘hard case’ for the assumptions of election forecasting models. Belgium is a multiparty system with perennial coalition governments. Furthermore, Belgium has two completely segregated party systems (Dutch and French language). Since the prime minister during the period 1974-2011 has always been a Dutch language politician, French language voters could not even vote for the prime minister, so this cognitive shortcut to establish political accountability is not available. Results of an analysis for the French speaking parties (1981-2010) show that even in these conditions of opaque accountability, retrospective economic voting occurs as election results respond to indicators with regard to GDP and unemployment levels. Party membership figures can be used to model the popularity function in election forecasting.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.