Attitudes of health-care workers toward pregnant, HIV -positive women

The management of HIV infection with antiretroviral drugs has succeeded in increasing survival rates, but the subject of pregnancy in HIV-positive women continues to garner debate. Discrimination and stigma have been identified as barriers to health care, suggesting that women with HIV may be disinclined to seek prenatal care if health-care workers exhibit negative attitudes toward the women's pregnancies. To optimize prenatal and medical care for women with HIV infection, it is important to understand the general social conditions and cultural context in which these women have children. Goffman's treatise on stigma, Foucault's discussion of the knowledge/power matrix, and Bandura's Social Cognitive Theory offer theoretical perspectives by which we can evaluate the gender, race, and class issues that are inherent in pregnancy decision-making for women with HIV infection. It is also necessary to evaluate prevailing attitudes on childbearing toward HIV-positive women and to review the historical background of prejudice in which HIV-positive women make decisions regarding childbearing. ^ This qualitative study used a survey instrument and one-on-one interviews with HIV-infected women to elicit their perceptions of how they were treated by care providers when they became pregnant. It also included interviews with health-care workers to determine what their feelings are about pregnancy within the context of HIV infection. Results of the ethnographic inquiry reveal that most of the women had negative experiences at some point during a pregnancy, but that the situation improved when they sought care from a provider who was familiar with HIV infection. The health-care providers interviewed were firm in their belief that HIV-positive women deserved optimal care and treated the women with respect, but these are individuals who are also experts in providing care to HIV-positive patients. The question remains as to what kind of care HIV-positive women are receiving generally and what types of attitudes they are being subjected to if they see less experienced providers. Further research is also needed to determine whether HIV-positive women from a broader ethnic representation and higher socioeconomic status experience similar negative attitudes. ^

Culture and the social context of health inequalities

There has been a great deal of interest and debate recently concerning the linkages between inequality and health cross-nationally. Exposures to social and health inequalities likely vary as a consequence of different cultural contexts. It is important to guide research by a theoretical perspective that includes cultural and social contexts cross-nationally. If inequality affects health only under specific cultural conditions, this could explain why some of the literature that compares different societies finds no evidence of a relationship between inequality and health in certain countries. A theoretical framework is presented that combines sociological theory with constructs from cultural psychology in order to identify pathways that might lead from cultural dimensions to health inequalities. Three analyses are carried out. The first analysis explores whether there is a relationship between cultural dimensions at the societal level and self-rated health at the individual level. The findings suggest that different cultural norms at the societal level can produce both social and health inequalities, but the effects on health may differ depending on the socio-cultural context. The second analysis tests the hypothesis that health is affected by the density of social networks in a society, levels of societal trust, and inequality. The results suggest that commonly used measures of social cohesion and inequality may have both contextual and compositional effects on health in a large number of countries, and that societal measures of social cohesion and inequality interact with individual measures of social participation, trust, and income, moderating their effects on health. The third analysis explores whether value systems associated with vertical individualist societies may lead to health disparities because of their stigmatizing effects. I test the hypothesis that, within vertical individualist societies, subjective well-being will be affected by a social context where competition and the Protestant work ethic are valued, mediated by inequality. The hypothesis was not supported by the available cross-national data, most likely because of inadequate measures, missing data, and the small sample of vertical individualist countries. The overall findings demonstrate that cultural differences are important contextual factors that should not be overlooked when examining the causes of health inequalities. ^

Professional Social Workers in the Child Welfare Workforce: Findings from NASW

The U.S. Children’s Bureau has historically recognized the significance of the child welfare workforce in improving the lives of children, youth and families, as well as the important role of social work within that workforce. Although the public may perceive the child welfare workforce as being predominantly comprised of social workers; in fact, fewer than half of child welfare workers have a social work degree. This discrepancy has been attributed to professional shortages, workplace conditions, caseload size and complexity, and low salaries. However, studies initiated by the National Association of Social Workers have found that the profession continues to successfully attract new graduates to child welfare practice and that social workers in child welfare enjoy high levels of job satisfaction. These studies also identified factors that contribute to the retention and attrition of social workers in child welfare.