28 resultados para Feminine

em BORIS: Bern Open Repository and Information System - Berna - Suiça


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In many languages, feminization has been used as a strategy to make language more gender-fair, because masculine terms, even in a generic function, exhibit a male bias. Up to date, little is known about possible side effects of this language use, for example, in personnel selection. In three studies, conducted in Polish, we analyzed how a female applicant was evaluated in a recruitment process, depending on whether she was introduced with a feminine or masculine job title. To avoid influences from existing occupations and terms, we used fictitious job titles in Studies 1 and 2: diarolożka (feminine) and diarolog (masculine). In Study 3, we referred to existing occupations that varied in gender stereotypicality. In all studies, female applicants with a feminine job title were evaluated less favorably than both a male applicant (Study 1) and a female applicant with a masculine job title (Studies 1, 2, and 3). This effect was independent of the gender stereotypicality of the occupation (Study 3). Participants' political attitudes, however, moderated the effect: Conservatives devaluated female applicants with a feminine title more than liberals (Studies 2 and 3).

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The aim of this project is to investigate the use of gender-fair language from a cross-linguistic perspective. Specifically, we are interested in whether the use of gender-fair language correlates with socio-economic rankings of gender equality and with structural features of a language. We decided to analyze online job advertisements, as they reflect common language use and can easily be compared across languages. Moreover, formulations in job advertisements have been shown to impact personnel selection via the way target groups are addressed and referred to. In the present study we examined to what extent job advertisements are formulated in a gender-fair way and how this correlates with factors such as language, culture as well as status and gender-typicality of the job advertised. The data consisted of job advertisements published online in four European countries which occupy different positions in socio-economic rankings of gender equality (World Economic Forum, 2011): Switzerland (10), Austria (rank 34), Poland (42), and Czech Republic (75). We randomly selected 100 job advertisements from four lines of business characterized by different proportions of female employees – steels/metals, science, restaurants/food services, and health care. The advertisements were analyzed with regard to the linguistic form of the job title and the remaining text; we also noted indicators of job status, reference to gender-typical traits, pictures of women/men and other information which might be relevant to the use of gender-fair language (e.g., equal opportunity policies). A first analysis of the data indicates that the phrasing of job titles is closely related to the gender-typicality of a profession. While mainly gender-fair forms are used in healthcare, masculine forms are used more often in the domain of steels and metals. Feminine forms only, however, are almost never used. Cultural differences as well as correlations with associated variables will be discussed.

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Wie bisherige experimentelle Forschung gezeigt hat, beeinflusst die geschlechtergerechte Formulierung von Stellenausschreibungen die angesprochene Zielgruppe und damit die Personalauswahl. Wie verbreitet ist nun geschlechtergerechte Sprache in Stellenausschreibungen und mit welchen Faktoren hängt ihre Verwendung zusammen (z.B. Sprache, Kultur, Status und Geschlechtstypikalität des Berufes)? Wir untersuchten die Verwendung geschlechtergerechter Sprache in online publizierten Stellenausschreibungen in vier europäischen Ländern mit unterschiedlicher Geschlechtergleichstellung (World Economic Forum, 2011), nämlich die Schweiz, (10), Österreich (Rang 34), Polen (42) und Tschechien (75). Aus vier Branchen mit unterschiedlichen Anteilen weiblicher Angestellter – Stahl- und Metallbau, Forschung, Gastronomie und Gesundheitswesen – wurden jeweils 100 Stellenausschreibungen analysiert. Erste Analysen zeigen, dass die Formulierung der Stellenausschreibungen eng mit der Geschlechtstypikalität des Berufes zusammenhängt. So werden im Gesundheitswesen vorwiegend Formulierungen verwendet, die beide Geschlechter ansprechen. Dagegen sind die Stellenausschreibungen im Stahl- und Metallbau vermehrt rein maskulin formuliert. Feminine Formen werden kaum verwendet. Kultur- und sprachspezifische Unterschiede sowie Zusammenhänge mit sozioökonomischem Status werden diskutiert.

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Research has shown that gender references in job advertisements play an important role for gender (in)equality in personnel selection. In advertisements gender is referred to in different ways, for instance, by using grammatically masculine and feminine human nouns (e.g., German Mechaniker/Mechanikerin 'mechanic, masc./fem.'), by mentioning typically feminine or typically masculine traits (e.g., kind and friendly versus determined and independent) as well as by showing pictures of women and men. The present study addresses the questions which forms of gender references occur in job advertisements, how these forms are distributed across different lines of business and across different countries. We collected job advertisements published online in four countries with different rankings of gender equality (i.e., Switzerland, Austria, Poland, and Czech Republic; World Economic Forum, 2011). We randomly selected 100 advertisements per country from four lines of business that are characterized by different proportions of female and male employees: (1) steels/metals, (2) science, (3) restaurants/food services, and (4) health care. The advertisements were analyzed with regard to the linguistic form of the job title and of the remaining text as well as reference to gender-typical traits. We also examined indicators of job status and other information (e.g., equal opportunity policies) which might be related to the use of gender references in job advertisements. The results show that, in general, gender-fair language occurs much more often in job ads from Switzerland and Austria than in those from Poland and the Czech Republic, where job titles are mostly masculine. While exclusive use of feminine forms are almost never used in Switzerland and Austria, they are more frequently used in Poland and Czech Republic. In general, gender-fair forms are more common when there are many women in a line of business, whereas more masculine forms are used where the proportion of women is low. In Switzerland and Austria, masculine forms are mostly combined with the supplement m/f to indicate that both women and men are addressed. The present data provide a sound basis for future studies on gender references in job advertisements. Furthermore it sheds a light on how companies comply with national guidelines of gender equality.

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A recent analysis of more than 100 countries found that the extent to which their languages grammatically allowed for an asymmetric treatment of men and women correlated with socio-economic indices of gender inequality (Prewitt-Freilino, Caswell, & Laakso, 2012). In a set of four studies we examine whether the availability of feminine forms as indicated by the most recent dictionaries (1) predicts the actual percentage of women and gender wage gap for all professions registered in Poland; (2) predicts the longitudinal pattern of use of the occupational job-titles; (3) relates to social perception of the sample of 150 professions.

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The basic principle of gender-fair language is symmetric linguistic treatment of women and men. Depending on the structure of the respective language, two principle strategies can be deployed to make a language gender-fair. In languages with few gender-differentiating forms, such as English, there is a tendency towards neutralization. Here, gender-unmarked forms such as police officer or chairperson are used to substitute the male-biased policeman or chairman. The second strategy, feminization, implies that feminine forms of human nouns are used more frequently and systematically to make female referents visible.Since the 1970s, gender-fair language has been suggested, if not prescribed, for both scientific and official texts and its positive effects are widely documented. The use of gender-fair language increases the cognitive availability of feminine exemplars. Also in an applied context women responding to job advertisements formulated in gender-fair language feel more motivated to apply for the position. However, "side effects" of gender-fair language have also been observed: For instance, women referred to with a gender-fair title (e.g. chairperson) were evaluated as lower in status than women referred to with a masculine generic (e.g. chairman). Similarily, social initiatives framed with the use of gender-fair language were evaluated less-favourably than initiatives using traditional language. This presentation presents the gender-fair language use in the framework of a social dilemma. In order to protect themselves (or initiatives they stand for) from being ascribed incompetence or a lower status, women may avoid feminine forms and thus contribute to the perpetuation of gender-unfair language, which may be detrimental for women in general. Raising awareness for this social concern, and framing it both in terms of group and individual interest can direct the discussion about gender-fair language into a broader perspective of gender equality.

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Purpose When applying for leadership positions or acting as leaders, women are still perceived with a ‘lack of fit’, thus hired less likely and evaluated less favorably than their male counterparts. In many languages, different language forms can be used to refer to both women and men: masculine forms (e.g., CEO in German: ‘Geschäftsführer’) and alternative forms (e.g., feminine‐masculine word pairs, CEO in German ‘Geschäftsführerin/Geschäftsführer’). We assumed that the use of masculine forms endorses the ‘lack of fit’ for women in leadership, whereas alternative forms reduce it. Design/Methodology Two studies tested the hypotheses by manipulating language forms (masculine forms vs. alternative forms) and gender of the target to hire/evaluate (female vs. male). Results The results indicated as predicted that masculine forms lead to the ‘lack of fit’ for women in the leadership context, whereas alternative forms reduce it. Women were less likely to be employed for leadership positions (Study 1) and evaluated less favorably as leaders (Study 2) than their male counterparts with masculine forms. However, with alternative forms no differences in employment decisions and evaluations of women and men were found. Limitations These two studies were conducted with student‐samples. Further research is needed to replicate effects with relevant samples as HRmanagers and to investigate underlying mechanisms. Research/Practical Implications Organizations may use alternative forms instead of masculine forms in job advertisements for leadership positions to overcome barriers for women in leadership. Originality/Value These are the first studies in testing the effects of language forms in the leader selection and evaluation.

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Women are still underrepresented in leadership due to a perceived a ‘lack of fit’. Thus, women are hired less likely, evaluated unfavorably or are less willing to take over a leadership role than their male counterparts. Because gender-fair language (e.g., feminine-masculine word pairs, German: ‘Geschäftsführerin/Geschäftsführer’, CEO, fem./CEO, masc.) leads to a higher mental inclusion of women compared to generic masculine forms (German: ‘Geschäftsführer’, CEO,masc.), we argue that masculine forms endorse the ‘lack of fit’ for women in leadership, whereas gender-fair language reduces it. Three studies support our assumption. Masculine forms led to a ‘lack of fit’ for women in leader selection: they were hired less likely (Study 1) and evaluated less favorably (Study 2) than their male counterparts. Moreover, women showed less willingness to apply when masculine forms were used in the advertisement for a leadership position. Contrary, no such gender-bias was obtained in case of gender-fair language.

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Past research has shown that the gender typicality of applicants’ faces affects leadership selection irrespective of a candidate’s gender: A masculine facial appearance is congruent with masculine-typed leadership roles, thus masculine-looking applicants are hired more certainly than feminine-looking ones. In the present study, we extended this line of research by investigating hiring decisions for both masculine- and feminine-typed professional roles. Furthermore, we used eye tracking to examine the visual exploration of applicants’ portraits. Our results indicate that masculine-looking applicants were favored for the masculine-typed role (leader) and feminine-looking applicants for the feminine-typed role (team member). Eye movement patterns showed that information about gender category and facial appearance was integrated during first fixations of the portraits. Hiring decisions, however, were not based on this initial analysis, but occurred at a second stage, when the portrait was viewed in the context of considering the applicant for a specific job.

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To nie przypadek, że wyrażenie „wieczna kobiecość" ukute przez Goethego zbiega się w czasie z pierwszymi zachodnimi próbami emancypacji kobiet. W chwili, kiedy model kobiety istniejącej tylko w zależności od mężczyzny zaczyna być kwestionowany, kategoria wiecznej kobiecości pozwala ponownie potwierdzić ten model, wypełniając go pozytywnymi wartościami. Naturą kobiety jest być uległą i oddaną, a te cechy sprawiają, że kobieta jest depozytariuszem wszelkiej potencjalnej zbawczej łaski. Tak w Fauście Goethego, przypada Małgorzacie, dziewczynie naiwniej, niewinnej, niewykształconej i bez własnej woli, wykupić Fausta siłą swojej miłości. Wszystko dzieje się tak, jakby pozytywna kodyfikacja właściwości kobiet dzięki kategorii wiecznej kobiecości służyła tylko lepszemu ukryciu rzeczywistości ich ucisku; feministki jednak nie dają się zwieść: ideały popierane przez kategorię wiecznej kobiecości są a priori niezgodne z emancypacją kobiet. Karolina Světlá, jedna z najważniejszych postaci w walce o zrównanie praw między mężczyznami i kobietami w Czechach w XIX wieku, wykorzystywała przecież intensywnie w swojej literackiej twórczości ten model kobiety, która poświęca się dla kochanego mężczyzny i tym samym udaje się jej go "podciągnąć do góry" ("hinan zu ziehen", Goethe) oraz dać mu dostęp do "nieskończoności", "nieśmiertelności" i "wieczności". Czy jej teoretyczne pisma i jej działalność na rzecz emancypacji kobiet zaprzeczałyby jej tekstom literackim, na pierwszy rzut oka tak konwencjonalnym? W tym wykładzie podejmuję próbę odpowiedzi na to pytanie uważną lekturą jednego z jej najbardziej faustowskich opowiadań, mianowice "Czarna dziewanna".

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A debate about Caster Semenya's female sex began shortly after the South African runner won gold in the women’s 800m final at the 2009 Athletic World Championships held in Berlin. Her victory was disputed through questions about her right to compete as a ‘woman’, with the International Association of Athletics Federation (IAAF) announcing she would be required to undergo a gender verification test before her victory could be confirmed. Using the theoretical frame of social constructionism (Berger & Luckmann), poststructuralism (Foucault), gender- and postcolonial theories (Butler; Hall; Spivak) and the methodology of critical discourse analysis (Jaeger), the paper explores the way the possible intersexuality of Caster Semenya was contextualised in mainstream Swiss German-language print media. The analyses will firstly look at the way in which Caster Semenya was constructed as a ʻfallen hero’ and stigmatised as a double-dealer and unacceptable deviant body. The rumours amongst athletes and commentators became news in the media, which focused on descriptions of her habitus, her muscular body and her deep voice. Through theoretical discussion the paper argues that the media response to Caster Semenya exemplifies Butler’s claim that the discursive framework of gender constructs and naturalises sex. A key question is therefore whether the designation of deviant bodies to a ʻfield of deformation’ (Butler) works to pluralise the field of gender, or rather, as Butler suggests, it tends that those bodies might call into questions. The final part of the paper discusses how gender, ethnicity and sexuality combine to constitute the black female sporting body as a spectacle of otherness. It is evident that this otherness is made manifest through the function of those bodies as a site of transgression, as the boundary between male and female, and often as the boundary between culture and nature (Hall). Using the example of the controversy surrounding Caster Semenya, this paper aims to demonstrate how the post/colonial white female body is reproduced by western norms of gender, sexuality, beauty and sporting behaviour, in the sense of a feminine sporting genderperformance. The media controversy will be also read through the lens of the globalisation of certain ideas of normative bodies, sex, ethnicity and gender and the challenge of changing stereotypes through transgression. Keywords: gender- and postcolonial theories, discourse analysis, print media, Caster Semen-ya, deviant body, ethnicity, intersexuality

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A debate about Caster Semenya's female sex began shortly after the South African runner won gold in the women’s 800m final at the 2009 Athletic World Championships held in Berlin. Her victory was disputed through questions about her right to compete as a ‘woman’, with the International Association of Athletics Federation (IAAF) announcing she would be required to undergo a gender verification test before her victory could be confirmed. Using the theoretical frame of social constructionism (Berger & Luckmann), poststructuralism (Foucault), gender- and postcolonial theories (Butler; Hall; Spivak) and the methodology of critical discourse analysis (Jaeger), the paper explores the way the possible intersexuality of Caster Semenya was contextualised in mainstream Swiss German-language print media. The analyses will firstly look at the way in which Caster Semenya was constructed as a ʻfallen hero’ and stigmatised as a double-dealer and unacceptable deviant body. The rumours amongst athletes and commentators became news in the media, which focused on descriptions of her habitus, her muscular body and her deep voice. Through theoretical discussion the paper argues that the media response to Caster Semenya exemplifies Butler’s claim that the discursive framework of gender constructs and naturalises sex. A key question is therefore whether the designation of deviant bodies to a ʻfield of deformation’ (Butler) works to pluralise the field of gender, or rather, as Butler suggests, it tends that those bodies might call into questions. The final part of the paper discusses how gender, ethnicity and sexuality combine to constitute the black female sporting body as a spectacle of otherness. It is evident that this otherness is made manifest through the function of those bodies as a site of transgression, as the boundary between male and female, and often as the boundary between culture and nature (Hall). Using the example of the controversy surrounding Caster Semenya, this paper aims to demonstrate how the post/colonial white female body is reproduced by western norms of gender, sexuality, beauty and sporting behaviour, in the sense of a feminine sporting genderperformance. The media controversy will be also read through the lens of the globalisation of certain ideas of normative bodies, sex, ethnicity and gender and the challenge of changing stereotypes through transgression. Keywords: gender- and postcolonial theories, discourse analysis, print media, Caster Semen-ya, deviant body, ethnicity, intersexuality

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Purpose Gender fair language use in job advertisements has been shown to impact the outcome of personnel selections. It is thus important to assess, to what extent gender fair language is used in job advertisements and with which factors it is associated, e.g., language, culture, status, and gender typicality of profession. Design/Methodology In the present research we investigated gender fair language use in job advertisements published online in four European countries with different socio-economic rankings of gender equality (World Economic Forum, 2011), namely Austria (rank 34), Czech Republic (75), Poland (42), and Switzerland (10). From four lines of business with different percentages of female employees – steels/metals, science, restaurants/food services, and health care –we randomly selected 100 job advertisements, summing up to 1600 job advertisements in total. Results A first analysis of the Swiss data indicates that the phrasing of job advertisements is closely related to a profession’s gender typicality (e.g., merely masculine forms are used in steels and metals, gender-fair forms in healthcare). Feminine forms however are almost never used. Cross-cultural comparisons will be presented. Limitations We analyzed job advertisements of four specific lines of business in four European countries. To what extend results can be generalized remains an open question. Research/Practical Implications The present data provide a sound basis for future studies on gender fair language use in job advertisements. Furthermore it sheds a light on how companies comply with national guidelines of gender equality. Originality/Value This is the first time that gender fair language use in job advertisements is investigated (a) across different countries and languages and (b) considering status and gender typicality of professions.