5 resultados para pol

em Brock University, Canada


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The relative ease to concentrate and purify adenoviruses, their well characterized mid-sized genome, and the ability to delete non-essential regions from their genome to accommodate foreign gene, made adenoviruses a suitable candidate for the construction of vectors. The use of adenoviral vectors in gene therapy, vaccination, and as a general vector system for expressing foreign genes have been documented for some time. In this study, the objective was to rescue a BAV3 E1 or E3 recombinant vector carrying the kanamycin resistant gene, a dominant selectable marker with useful applications in studying vectored gene expression in mammalian cells. To accomplish the objective of this study, more information about BAV3 DNA sequences was required in order to make the manipulation of the virus genome accessible. Therefore, sequencing of the BAV3 genome from 1 1 .7% to 30.8% was carried out. Analysis of the determined sequences revealed the primary structure of important viral gene products coded by E2 including BAV3 DNA pol and precursor to terminal protein. Comparative analysis of these proteins with their counterparts from human and non human adenoviruses revealed important insights as to the evolutionary lineage of BAV3. In order to insert the kanamycin resistance gene in either E1 or E3, it was necessary to delete BAV3 sequences to accommodate the foreign gene so as not to exceed the limit of the packaging capacity of the virus. To construct a recombinant BAV3 in which a foreign gene was inserted in the deleted E1 region, an E1 shuttle vector was constructed. This involved the deletion from the viral sequences a region between 1.3% to 9% and inserting the kanamycin resistance gene to replace the deletion. The E1 shuttle vector contained the left (0%- 53.9%) segment of the genome and was expected to generate BAV3 recombinants that can be grown and propagated in cells that can complement the missing E1 functions. To construct a similar shuttle vector for E3 deletion, DNA sequences extending from 78.9% to 82.5% (1281 bp) were deleted from within the E3 region that had been cloned into a plasmid vector. The deleted region corresponds to those that have been shown to be non-essential for viral replication in cell culture. The resulting plasmid was used to construct another recombinant plasmid with BAV3 DNA sequences extending from 37.1% to 100% and with a deletion of E3 sequences that were replaced by kanamycin resistance gene. This shuttle plasmid was used in cotransfections with digested viral DNA in an attempt to rescue a recombinant BAV3 carrying the kanamycin resistance gene to replace the deleted E3. In spite of repeated attempts of transfection, El or E3 recombinant BAV3 were not isolated. It seems that other approaches should be applied to make a final conclusion on BAV3 infectivity.

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A survey of predominantly industrial silicon carbide has been carried out using Magic Angle Spinning nuclear magnetic resonance (MAS nmr); a solid state technique. Three silicon carbide polytypes were studied; 3C, 6H, and 15R. The 13C and 29 Si MAS nmr spectra of the bulk SiC sample was identified on the basis of silicon (carbon) site type in the d iff ere n t pol Y t Y pes • Out to 5.00 A fro mac en t r a lsi 1 i con (0 r carbon) atom four types of sites were characterized using symmetry based calculations. This method of polytype analysis was also considered, in the prelminary stages, for applications with other polytypic material; CdBr 2 , CdI 2 , and PbI 2 " In an attempt to understand the minor components of silicon carbide, such as its surface, some samples were hydrofluoric acid washed and heated to extreme temperatures. Basically, an HF removable species which absorbs at -110 ppm (Si0 2 ) in the 29 Si MAS nmr spectrum is found in silicon carbide after heating. Other unidentified peaks observed at short recycle delays in some 29 Si MAS nmr spectra are considered to be impurities that may be within the lattice. These components comprise less than 5% of the observable silicon. A Tl study was carried out for 29 Si nuclei in a 3C ii polytype sample, using the Driven Equilibrium Single-Pulse Observation of T1 (DESPOT) technique. It appears as though there are a number of nuclei that have the same chemical shift but different T1 relaxation times. The T1 values range from 30 seconds to 11 minutes. Caution has to be kept when interpreting these results because this is the first time that DESPOT has been used for solid samples and it is not likely in full working order. MAS nmr indicates that the 13C and 29 Si ~sotropic chemical shifts of silicon carbide appear to have a reciprocal type of relationship_ Single crystal nmr analysis of a 6H sample is accordance with this finding when only the resultant isotropic shift is considered. However, single crystal nmr also shows that the actual response of the silicon and carbon nuclear environment to the applied magnetic field at various angles is not at all reciprocal. Such results show that much more single crystal nmr work is required to determine the actual behavior of the local magnetic environment of the SiC nuclei.

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The green movement has evolved over the last twenty years from various social, peace and ecology activist organizations into direct political participation in parliamentary institutions through the Green Party. Although there is no definable theory of green politics, the culmination of interacting social movements as well as feminist, decentralist and in many cases, left wing political ideology, has produced a specific kind of political direction for the Greens internationally. As a result of the increased a ttention and awareness given to ecological issues , combined with the heightened evidence of large scale environmental deterioration, public attitudes and government decisions on development and natural resource management have been significantly altered. The Green Party of Canada is still r elatively young in comparison to its European counterparts, although ecologica l awareness and interest in t he green movement in Canada is strong, as reflected not only in support on a political level for the Canadian Greens I but for environmental issues and a ctivism in general. For this reason it s important to determine whether or not the Green Party is a significant aspect of the Canadian green movement, and if in fact its representation is necessary as an active participant in the Canadian political system . The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is outlined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to exploit the already problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada. Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

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The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is out lined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to expl oi t t he al ready problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada . Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

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Italy is currently experiencing profound political change. One aspect of this change involves the decline in electoral support for the Italian Christian Democratic Party (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI), now the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS). Signs of the electoral decline of both parties began to appear in the late 1970s and early 1980s and accelerated in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The pr imar y purpos e of th is thes is is to expla i n the electoral decline of the DC and PCI/PDS in the last decade. The central question being addressed in this thesis is the following: What factors contributed to the decline in electoral support for the DC and PCI? In addition, the thesis attempts to better comprehend the change in magni tude and direction of the Italian party system. The thesis examines the central question within an analytical framework that consists of models explaining electoral change in advanced industrial democracies and in Italy. A review of the literature on electoral change in Italy reveals three basic models: structural (socioeconomic and demographic factors), subcultural (the decline of the Catholic and Communist subcultures), and pol i tical (factors such as party strategy, and the crisis and collapse of communism in iv Eastern Europe and the former soviet Union and the end to the Cold War). Significant structural changes have occurred in Italy, but they do not invariably hurt or benefit either party. The Catholic and Communist subcultures have declined in size and strength, but only gradually. More importantly, the study discovers that the decline of communism and party strategy adversely affected the electoral performances of the DC and PC!. The basic conclusion is that political factors primarily and directly contributed to the decline in electoral support for both parties, while societal factors (structural and subcultural changes) played a secondary and indirect role. While societal factors do not contribute directly to the decline in electoral support for both parties, they do provide the context within which both parties operated. In addition, the Italian party system is becoming more fragmented and traditional political parties are losing electoral support to new political movements, such as the Lega Nord (LN-Northern League) and the Rete (Network). The growing importance of the North-South and centre-periphery cleavages suggests that the Italian party system, which is traditionally based on religious and ideological cleavages, may be changing.