Shifting the Burden of HIV/AIDS

As the economic burden of HIV/AIDS increases in sub-Saharan Africa, the allocation of the burden among levels and sectors of societies is changing. The private sector has greater scope than government, households, or NGOs to avoid the economic burden of AIDS, and a systematic shifting of the burden away from the private sector is underway. Common practices that shift the AIDS burden from businesses to households and government include pre-employment screening, reduced employee benefits, restructured employment contracts, outsourcing of less skilled jobs, selective retrenchments, and changes in production technologies. In South Africa, more than two thirds of large employers have reduced health care benefits or required larger contributions by employees. Most firms have replaced defined benefit retirement funds, which expose the firm to large annual costs but provide long-term support for families, with defined contribution funds, which eliminate firm risk but provide little to families of younger workers who die of AIDS. Contracting out of previously permanent jobs also shields firms from costs while leaving households and government to care for affected workers and their families. Many of these changes are responses to globalization and would have occurred in the absence of AIDS, but they are devastating for employees with HIV/AIDS. This paper argues that the shifting of the economic burden of AIDS is a predictable response by business to which a thoughtful public policy response is needed. Countries should make explicit decisions about each sector’s responsibilities if a socially desirable allocation is to be achieved.

Why do Nigerian manufacturing firms take action on AIDS?

Objective: To identify differences between manufacturing firms in Nigeria that have undertaken HIV/AIDS prevention activities and those that have not as a step toward improving the targeting of HIV policies and interventions. Methods: A survey of a representative sample of registered manufacturing firms in Nigeria, stratified by location, workforce size, and industrial sector. The survey was administered to managers of 232 firms representing most major industrial areas and sectors in March-April 2001. Results: 45.3 percent of the firms’ managers received information about HIV/AIDS from a source outside the firm in 2000; 7.7 percent knew of an employee who was HIV-positive at the time of the survey; and 13.6 percent knew of an employee who had left the firm and/or died in service due to AIDS. Only 31.7 percent of firms took any action to prevent HIV among employees in 2000, and 23.9 percent had discussed the epidemic as a potential business concern. The best correlates of having taken action on HIV were knowledge of an HIV-positive employee or having lost an employee to AIDS (odds ratio [OR] 6.36, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 2.30, 17.57) and receiving information about the disease from an outside source (OR 7.83, 95% CI: 3.46, 17.69). Conclusions: Despite a nationwide HIV seroprevalence of 5.8 percent, as of 2001 most Nigerian manufacturing firm managers did not regard HIV/AIDS as a serious problem and had neither taken any action on it nor discussed it as a business issue. Providing managers with accurate, relevant information about the epidemic and practical prevention interventions might strengthen the business response to AIDS in countries like Nigeria.

Rationing Antiretroviral Therapy for HIV/AIDS in Africa: Efficiency, Equity, and Reality

Background: Rationing of access to antiretroviral therapy already exists in sub-Saharan Africa and will intensify as national treatment programs develop. The number of people who are medically eligible for therapy will far exceed the human, infrastructural, and financial resources available, making rationing of public treatment services inevitable. Methods: We identified 15 criteria by which antiretroviral therapy could be rationed in African countries and analyzed the resulting rationing systems across 5 domains: clinical effectiveness, implementation feasibility, cost, economic efficiency, and social equity. Findings: Rationing can be explicit or implicit. Access to treatment can be explicitly targeted to priority subpopulations such as mothers of newborns, skilled workers, students, or poor people. Explicit conditions can also be set that cause differential access, such as residence in a designated geographic area, co-payment, access to testing, or a demonstrated commitment to adhere to therapy. Implicit rationing on the basis of first-come, first-served or queuing will arise when no explicit system is enforced; implicit systems almost always allow a high degree of queue-jumping by the elite. There is a direct tradeoff between economic efficiency and social equity. Interpretation: Rationing is inevitable in most countries for some period of time. Without deliberate social policy decisions, implicit rationing systems that are neither efficient nor equitable will prevail. Governments that make deliberate choices, and then explain and defend those choices to their constituencies, are more likely to achieve a socially desirable outcome from the large investments now being made than are those that allow queuing and queue-jumping to dominate.

Treatment of HIV/AIDS at South Africa's Largest Employers: Myth and Reality

Background: In the past three years, many large employers in South Africa have announced publicly their intention of making antiretroviral treatment (ART) available to employees. Reports of the scope and success of these programs have been mostly anecdotal. This study surveyed the largest private sector employers in South Africa to determine the proportion of employees with access to ART through employer-sponsored HIV/AIDS treatment programs. Methods: All 64 private sector and parastatal employers in South Africa with more than 6,000 employees were identified and contacted. Those that agreed to participate were interviewed by telephone using a structured questionnaire. Results: 52 companies agreed to participate. Among these companies, 63% of employees had access to employer-sponsored care and treatment for HIV/AIDS. Access varied widely by sector, however. Approximately 27% of suspected HIV-positive employees were enrolled in HIV/AIDS disease management programs, or 4.4% of the workforce overall. Fewer than 4,000 employees in the entire sample were receiving antiretroviral therapy. In-house (employer) disease management programs and independent disease management programs achieved higher uptake of services than did medical aid schemes. Conclusions: Publicity by large employers about their treatment programs should be interpreted cautiously. While there is a high level of access to treatment, uptake of services is low and only a small fraction of employees medically eligible for antiretroviral therapy are receiving it.

The Private Sector and HIV/AIDS in Africa: Taking Stock of Six Years of Applied Research

Background: Until recently, little was known about the costs of the HIV/AIDS epidemic to businesses in Africa and business responses to the epidemic. This paper synthesizes the results of a set of studies conducted between 1999 and 2006 and draws conclusions about the role of the private sector in Africa’s response to AIDS. Methods: Detailed human resource, financial, and medical data were collected from 14 large private and parastatal companies in South Africa, Uganda, Kenya, Zambia, and Ethiopia. Surveys of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) were conducted in South Africa, Kenya, and Zambia. Large companies’ responses or potential responses to the epidemic were investigated in South Africa, Uganda, Kenya, Zambia, and Rwanda. Results: Among the large companies, estimated workforce HIV prevalence ranged from 5%¬37%. The average cost per employee lost to AIDS varied from 0.5-5.6 times the average annual compensation of the employee affected. Labor cost increases as a result of AIDS were estimated at anywhere from 0.6%-10.8% but exceeded 3% at only 2 of 14 companies. Treatment of eligible employees with ART at a cost of $360/patient/year was shown to have positive financial returns for most but not all companies. Uptake of employer-provided testing and treatment services varied widely. Among SMEs, HIV prevalence in the workforce was estimated at 10%-26%. SME managers consistently reported low AIDS-related employee attrition, little concern about the impacts of AIDS on their companies, and relatively little interest in taking action, and fewer than half had ever discussed AIDS with their senior staff. AIDS was estimated to increase the average operating costs of small tourism companies in Zambia by less than 1%; labor cost increases in other sectors were probably smaller. Conclusions: Although there was wide variation among the firms studied, clear patterns emerged that will permit some prediction of impacts and responses in the future.

The Impact of AIDS on Government Service Delivery: The Case of the Zambia Wildlife Authority

Background: The loss of working-aged adults to HIV/AIDS has been shown to increase the costs of labor to the private sector in Africa. There is little corresponding evidence for the public sector. This study evaluated the impact of AIDS on the capacity of a government agency, the Zambia Wildlife Authority (ZAWA), to patrol Zambia’s national parks. Methods: Data were collected from ZAWA on workforce characteristics, recent mortality, costs, and the number of days spent on patrol between 2003 and 2005 by a sample of 76 current patrol officers (reference subjects) and 11 patrol officers who died of AIDS or suspected AIDS (index subjects). An estimate was made of the impact of AIDS on service delivery capacity and labor costs and the potential net benefits of providing treatment. Results: Reference subjects spent an average of 197.4 days on patrol per year. After adjusting for age, years of service, and worksite, index subjects spent 62.8 days on patrol in their last year of service (68% decrease, p<0.0001), 96.8 days on patrol in their second to last year of service (51% decrease, p<0.0001), and 123.7 days on patrol in their third to last year of service (37% decrease, p<0.0001). For each employee who died, ZAWA lost an additional 111 person-days for management, funeral attendance, vacancy, and recruitment and training of a replacement, resulting in a total productivity loss per death of 2.0 person-years. Each AIDS-related death also imposed budgetary costs for care, benefits, recruitment, and training equivalent to 3.3 years’ annual compensation. In 2005, AIDS reduced service delivery capacity by 6.2% and increased labor costs by 9.7%. If antiretroviral therapy could be provided for $500/patient/year, net savings to ZAWA would approach $285,000/year. Conclusion: AIDS is constraining ZAWA’s ability to protect Zambia’s wildlife and parks. Impacts on this government agency are substantially larger than have been observed in the private sector. Provision of ART would result in net budgetary savings to ZAWA and greatly increase its service delivery capacity.

How Much Does It Cost to Provide Antiretroviral Therapy for HIV/AIDS in Africa?

Background: Many African countries are rapidly expanding HIV/AIDS treatment programs. Empirical information on the cost of delivering antiretroviral therapy (ART) for HIV/AIDS is needed for program planning and budgeting. Methods: We searched published and gray sources for estimates of the cost of providing ART in service delivery (non-research) settings in sub-Saharan Africa. Estimates were included if they were based on primary local data for input prices. Results: 17 eligible cost estimates were found. Of these, 10 were from South Africa. The cost per patient per year ranged from $396 to $2,761. It averaged approximately $850/patient/year in countries outside South Africa and $1,700/patient/year in South Africa. The most recent estimates for South Africa averaged $1,200/patient/year. Specific cost items included in the average cost per patient per year varied, making comparison across studies problematic. All estimates included the cost of antiretroviral drugs and laboratory tests, but many excluded the cost of inpatient care, treatment of opportunistic infections, and/or clinic infrastructure. Antiretroviral drugs comprised an average of one third of the cost of treatment in South Africa and one half to three quarters of the cost in other countries. Conclusions: There is very little empirical information available about the cost of providing antiretroviral therapy in non-research settings in Africa. Methods for estimating costs are inconsistent, and many estimates combine data drawn from disparate sources. Cost analysis should become a routine part of operational research on the treatment rollout in Africa.

Children Affected by AIDS: A Review of the Literature on Orphaned and Vulnerable Children

This paper presents a systematic review of the literature pertaining to orphans and vulnerable children in sub-Saharan Africa, with a particular focus on research in countries heavily impacted by HIV/AIDS. Despite study and data limitations, the literature provides evidence of growing orphan-based disparities, difficulties within households providing care, and insufficient capacity among social services. Still, additional research is urgently needed, including better OVC surveillance methods, qualitative data than answers persisting questions, the inclusion of more useful indicators in national household surveys, and longitudinal studies to determine the mechanisms by which parental HIV status and death impacts children, caregiving impacts households, and the orphan epidemic impacts communities and social systems.

Non-clinical outcomes of antiretroviral therapy for HIV/AIDS in developing countries: a systematic literature review

The impacts of antiretroviral therapy on quality of life, mental health, labor productivity, and economic wellbeing for people living with HIV/AIDS in developing countries are only beginning to be measured. We conducted a systematic literature review to analyze the effect of antiretroviral therapy (ART) on these non-clinical indicators in developing countries and assess the state of research on these topics. Both qualitative and quantitative studies were included, as were peer-reviewed articles, gray literature, and conference abstracts and presentations. Findings are reported from 12 full-length articles, 7 abstracts, and 1 presentation (representing 16 studies). Compared to HIV-positive patients not yet on treatment, patients on ART reported significant improvements in physical, emotional and mental health and daily function. Work performance improved and absenteeism decreased, with the most dramatic changes occurring in the first three months of treatment and then leveling off. Little research has been done on the impact of ART on household wellbeing, with modest changes in child and family wellbeing within households where adults are receiving ART reported so far. Studies from developing countries have not yet assessed non-clinical outcomes of therapy beyond the first year; therefore, longitudinal outcomes are still unknown. As ART roll out extends throughout high HIV prevalence, low-resource countries and is sustained over years and decades, both positive and adverse non-clinical outcomes need to be empirically measured and qualitatively explored in order to support patient adherence and maximize treatment benefits.