Inventário e análise sociológica das políticas públicas de turismo em Angola

As políticas públicas na área do turismo tornaram-se uma prioridade dos governos dos países desenvolvidos e menos desenvolvidos a partir da década de 1970, quando os organismos estatais ligados ao sector do turismo deram início à definição de amplas agendas nacionais para o desenvolvimento da indústria do turismo para períodos de longo prazo, com descrições claras sobre a posição que o turismo ocupa no âmbito do desenvolvimento da economia nacional; sobre as metas que se pretendem alcançar e a forma como elas serão atingidas. O enorme crescimento do turismo, o envolvimento dos governos e os impactos negativos do turismo que foram registados nos países em desenvolvimento ajudou a trazer ao debate académico a análise sobre as políticas públicas do turismo no final dos anos 80 e início de 90 do séc. passado. Neste estudo inventariou-se o quadro legislativo das políticas públicas do turismo em Angola e fez-se o enquadramento sociológico da Política Nacional e do Plano Diretor do turismo em Angola; identificaram-se os atores que intervêm na execução das políticas públicas do turismo em Angola e o seu sentido social, assim como os fatores centrais propiciadores do desenvolvimento social e económico em contexto local (Huíla). Isto permitiu determinar o perfil e tipologias resultantes da contribuição do quadro de Políticas Públicas de turismo para o nível de promoção do desenvolvimento social local em Angola, ajudando-nos a tentar perceber até que ponto as políticas públicas do turismo em Angola se constituem como fator de desenvolvimento social local. Partindo do perfil e tipologias resultantes da contribuição do quadro de Políticas Públicas de turismo e com base nos resultados obtidos através da análise de conteúdo das entrevistas, construiu-se uma proposta de modelo de políticas públicas de turismo propiciadoras do desenvolvimento local sustentável em Angola baseada numa lógica de ação coletiva, capaz de salvaguardar a sustentabilidade económica, política, social e territorial; ABSTRACT: Public policies in tourism became a priority of developed country governments and less developed countries from the 1970s, when the state bodies linked to the tourism sector began the definition of a broad national agenda for the development of the tourism industry for long-term periods, with clear descriptions of the position that tourism occupies in the national economic development; on the goals they want to achieve and how they will be achieved. The tremendous growth of tourism, the involvement of governments and the negative impacts of tourism were registered in developing countries and helped to bring the academic debate analysis on public tourism policies, in the late 80s and early 90s of the past century. In the legislative framework, we inventoried public tourism policies in Angola that later became the sociological framework of the National Policy and Plan for tourism in Angola; we identified the actors involved in the execution of public tourism policies in Angola and its social meaning, as well as the central factors conductive to social and economic development in the local context (Huila). This allowed to determine the profile and types resulting from the tourism Public Policy framework contribution to the level of promotion of local social development in Angola, helping us in this way to try to understand to what extent public tourism policies in Angola work as a local social development factor. From the profile and types resulting from the tourism Public Policy framework contribution and based on the results obtained from the interviews, we constructed a proposed model of public policies which encourage a more sustainable local development kind of tourism in Angola, based on a logic of collective action, able to safeguard the economic, political, social and territorial capitals.

"Portuguese Observatory of Taeniasis and Cysticercosis": A "One Health" example for epidemiological surveillance of one neglected disease in a European country

Cysticercosis results from the ingestion Taenia solium eggs directly by faecal-oral route or contaminated food or water. Human tapeworm carriers who have become infected after ingesting pork meat contaminated with cysticerci release these eggs. Cysticercosis occurs after tapeworm eggs are ingested by an intermediate host (pig or human) and then hatch, migrate, and lodge in the host's tissues, where they develop onto larval cysticerci. When they lodged in the central nervous system of humans, results in the disease condition called Neurocysticercosis (NCC), with a heterogeneous manifestations depending of the locations of cysts, number, size and their stage of evolution (1). Consequently the prognostic ranges from asymptomatic to situations leading to death in 2% to 9.8%. of cases (7) In swine’s there are few studies, but recent works have proved that animals, for the same reasons, also have neurological abnormalities, expressed by seizures, stereotypic walk in circles, chewing motions with foamy salivation included tonic muscle contractions followed by a sudden diminution in all muscle tone leading to collapse (2). Conventional domestic wastewater treatment processes may not be totally effective in inactivating parasites eggs from Taenia solium, allowing some contamination of soils and agricultural products (11). In Portugal there are some evidence of aggregation of human cysticercosis cases in specific regions, bases in ecological design studies (6). There are few information about human tapeworm carriers and social and economic factors associated with them. Success in knowledge and consequently in lowering transmission is limited by the complex network of biological and social factors that maintain the spread. Effective control of mostly zoonosis require One Health approach, after a real knowledge and transparency in the information provided by the institutions responsible for both animal and human health, allowing sustained interventions targeted at the transmission cycle's crucial nodes. In general, the model used to control, reflects a rural reality, where pigs are raised freely, poor sanitation conditions and incipient sanitary inspection. In cysticercosis, pigs are obligate intermediate hosts and so considered as first targets for control and used as sentinels to monitor environmental T. solium contamination (3). Usually environmental contamination with Taenia spp. eggs is a key issue in most of studies with landscape factors influencing presence of Taenia spp. antigens in both pigs and humans (5). Soil-related factors as well as socio-economic and behavioural factors are associated with the emergence of significant clustering human cysticercosis (4,5). However scarce studies has been produced in urban environmental and in developed countries with the finality to characterize the spatial pattern. There are still few data available regarding its prevalence and spatial distribution; Transmission patterns are likely to exhibit correlations as housing conditions, water supply, basic sanitation, schooling and birthplace of the individual or relatives, more than pigs rearing free, soil conditions (9). As a matter of fact, tapeworm carriers from endemic zones can auto-infect or transmit infection to other people or arrive already suffering NCC (as a result of travelling to or being a citizen from an endemic cysticercosis country) to a free cysticercosis country. Transmission is fecal-oral; this includes transmission through person-to-person contact, through autoinfection, or through contaminated food This has been happening in different continents as North America (5.4–18% been autochthonous), Europe and Australia (7). Recently, case reports of NCC have also emerged from Muslim countries. (10). Actually, different papers relate an epidemic situation in Spain and Portugal (7, 8). However the kind of study done does not authorize such conclusion. There are no evidence that infections were acquired in Portugal and there are not characterized the mode of transmission. Papers with these kind of information will be allow to have economic consequences resulted from artificial trade barriers with serious consequences for pig producers and pig meat trade. We need transparency in information’s that allow provide the basis to support the development and targeting of future effective control programmes (and prove we need that). So, to have a real picture of the disease, it is necessary integrate data from human, animal and environmental factors surrounding human and pig cases to characterize the pattern of the transmission. The design needs to be able to capture unexpected, and not common outcomes (routine data). We need to think “One Health” to get a genuine image of the situation.