14 resultados para malaise

em Queensland University of Technology - ePrints Archive


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For a number of years now it has been evident that the major issue facing science educators in the more developed countries of the world is the quantitative decline in enrolments in the senior secondary sciences, particularly the physical sciences, and in the number of higher achieving students applying for places in universities to undertake further studies in science. The deep malaise in school science to which these quantitative measures point has been elucidated by more qualitative studies of the students’ experience of studying science in secondary school in several of these countries (Sweden, Lindahl (2003); England, Simon and Osborne (2002); and Australia, Lyons (2005)). Remarkably concordant descriptions of these experiences can be summarized as: School science is: • transmission of knowledge from the teacher or the textbook to the students. • about content that is irrelevant and boring to our lives. • difficult to learn in comparison with other subjects Incidentally, the Australian study only involved consistently high achieving students; but even so, most of them found science more difficult than other more interesting subjects, and concluded that further science studies should be avoided unless they were needed for some career purpose. Other more representative confirmations of negative evaluations of the science curricula across Australia (and in particular states) are now available in Australia, from the large scale reviews of Goodrum, Hackling and Rennie (2001) and from the TIMSS (2002). The former reported that well under half of secondary students find the science at school relevant to my future, useful ion everyday life, deals with things I am concerned with and helps me make decisions about my health.. TIMSS found that 62 and 65 % of females and males in Year 4 agree with I like learning science, but by Year 8 only 26 and 33 % still agree. Students in Japan have been doubly notably because of (a) their high performance in international measures of science achievement like TIMSS and PISA and (b) their very low response to items in these studies which relate to interest in science. Ogura (2003) reported an intra-national study of students across Years 6-9 (upper primary through Junior High); interest in a range of their subjects (including science) that make up that country’s national curriculum. There was a steady decline in interest in all these subjects which might have indicated an adolescent reaction against schooling generally. However, this study went on to ask the students a further question that is very meaningful in the Japanese context, If you discount the importance of this subject for university entrance, is it worth studying? Science and mathematics remained in decline while all the other subjects were seen more positively. It is thus ironic, at a time when some innovations in curriculum and other research-based findings are suggesting ways that these failures of school science might be corrected, to find school science under a new demands that come from quite outside science education, and which certainly do not have the correction of this malaise as a priority. The positive curricular and research findings can be characterized as moves from within science education, whereas the new demands are moves that come from without science education. In this paper I set out these two rather contrary challenges to the teaching of science as it is currently practised, and go on to suggest a way forward that could fruitfully combine the two.

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In the last 10 years, the third sector has seen an eruption of texts, websites, discussion forums, conferences, new journals, new research centres and sector-specific degrees. This growing abundance of information allows for hitherto impossible networking, collaboration and general awareness of what is happening in the sector. At the same time, however, like staff in many industries, nonprofit professionals can suffer from an increasingly common 21st century malaise known as ‘information anxiety’. It is worth examining the sector through the lens of Information Studies theory, to question what the information technology needs of nonprofits are and how their information management techniques may differ from those in the public and private sectors. There are implications of this both for those within the industry (in terms of governance, training and public relations) and those external to it (who may form relationships with nonprofits on the basis of access to information).

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A year ago, I became aware of the historical existence of the group CERFI— Le centre d’etudes, de recherches, et de formation institutionelles, or The Study Center for Institutional Research and Formation. CERFI emerged in 1967 under the hand of Lacanian psychiatrist and Trotskyite activist Félix Guattari, whose antonymous journal Recherches chronicled the group’s subversive experiences, experiments, and government-sponsored urban projects. It was a singularly bizarre meeting of the French bureaucracy with militant activist groups, the French intelligentsia, and architectural and planning practitioners at the close of the ‘60s. Nevertheless, CERFI’s analysis of the problems of society was undertaken precisely from the perspective of the state, and the Institute acknowledged a “deep complicity between the intellectual and statesman ... because the first critics of the State, are officials themselves!”1 CERFI developed out of FGERI (The Federation of Groups for Institutional Study and Research), started by Guattari two years earlier. While FGERI was created for the analysis of mental institutions stemming from Guattari’s work at La Borde, an experimental psychiatric clinic, CERFI marks the group’s shift toward urbanism—to the interrogation of the city itself. Not only a platform for radical debate on architecture and the city, CERFI was a direct agent in the development of urban planning schemata for new towns in France. 2 CERFI’s founding members were Guattari, the economist and urban theorist François Fourquet, feminist philosopher Liane Mozère, and urban planner and editor of Multitides Anne Querrien—Guattari’s close friend and collaborator. The architects Antoine Grumback, Alain Fabre, Macary, and Janine Joutel were also members, as well as urbanists Bruno Fortier, Rainier Hoddé, and Christian de Portzamparc. 3 CERFI was the quintessential social project of post-‘68 French urbanism. Located on the Far Left and openly opposed to the Communist Party, this Trotskyist cooperative was able to achieve what other institutions, according to Fourquet, with their “customary devices—the politburo, central committee, and the basic cells—had failed to do.”4 The decentralized institute recognized that any formal integration of the group was to “sign its own death warrant; so it embraced a skein of directors, entangled, forming knots, liquidating all at once, and spinning in an unknown direction, stopping short and returning back to another node.” Allergic to the very idea of “party,” CERFI was a creative project of free, hybrid-aesthetic blocs talking and acting together, whose goal was none other than the “transformation of the libidinal economy of the militant revolutionary.” The group believed that by recognizing and affirming a “group unconscious,” as well as their individual unconscious desires, they would be able to avoid the political stalemates and splinter groups of the traditional Left. CERFI thus situated itself “on the side of psychosis”—its confessed goal was to serve rather than repress the utter madness of the urban malaise, because it was only from this mad perspective on the ground that a properly social discourse on the city could be forged.

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Much has been written on Michel Foucault’s reluctance to clearly delineate a research method, particularly with respect to genealogy (Harwood 2000; Meadmore, Hatcher, & McWilliam 2000; Tamboukou 1999). Foucault (1994, p. 288) himself disliked prescription stating, “I take care not to dictate how things should be” and wrote provocatively to disrupt equilibrium and certainty, so that “all those who speak for others or to others” no longer know what to do. It is doubtful, however, that Foucault ever intended for researchers to be stricken by that malaise to the point of being unwilling to make an intellectual commitment to methodological possibilities. Taking criticism of “Foucauldian” discourse analysis as a convenient point of departure to discuss the objectives of poststructural analyses of language, this paper develops what might be called a discursive analytic; a methodological plan to approach the analysis of discourses through the location of statements that function with constitutive effects.

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Much has been written on Michel Foucault’s reluctance to clearly delineate a research method, particularly with respect to genealogy (Harwood 2000; Meadmore, Hatcher, & McWilliam 2000; Tamboukou 1999). Foucault (1994, p. 288) himself disliked prescription stating, “I take care not to dictate how things should be” and wrote provocatively to disrupt equilibrium and certainty, so that “all those who speak for others or to others” no longer know what to do. It is doubtful, however, that Foucault ever intended for researchers to be stricken by that malaise to the point of being unwilling to make an intellectual commitment to methodological possibilities. Taking criticism of “Foucauldian” discourse analysis as a convenient point of departure to discuss the objectives of poststructural analyses of language, this paper develops what might be called a discursive analytic; a methodological plan to approach the analysis of discourses through the location of statements that function with constitutive effects.

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Purpose: Although oral fluoropyrimidine pro-drugs are increasingly being administered in preference to intravenous nucleoside analogues in cancer chemotherapy, their activation in malignant liver tissue may be insufficient. OGT 719 (1-galactopyranosyl-5-fluorouracil) is a novel nucleoside analogue, preferentially localized in hepatocytes and hepatoma cells via the asialoglycoprotein receptor. The aim of this study was to assess the systemic bioavailability of this rationally designed drug in 16 patients with advanced solid cancers. Method: Crossover pharmacokinetic study of oral (400 or 800 mg) and intravenous (250 mg/m 2) OGT 719. Results: Linear pharmacokinetics and oral bioavailability of approximately 25% were observed at the dose levels used in this study. Like other 5-FU prodrugs, considerable interpatient variability was observed in bioavailability following oral dosing. The mean half-life for oral doses was 4 h. OGT 719 was well tolerated. No objective tumour responses were demonstrated. Conclusion: The systemic bioavailability and half-life of oral OGT 719 are sufficient to merit dose escalation studies with frequent daily dosing. Subsequent efficacy studies should be performed in patients with primary and secondary liver malignancies.

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Purpose: Although oral fluoropyrimidine pro-drugs are increasingly being administered in preference to intravenous nucleoside analogues in cancer chemotherapy, their activation in malignant liver tissue may be insufficient. OGT 719 (1-galactopyranosyl-5-fluorouracil) is a novel nucleoside analogue, preferentially localized in hepatocytes and hepatoma cells via the asialoglycoprotein receptor. The aim of this study was to assess the systemic bioavailability of this rationally designed drug in 16 patients with advanced solid cancers. Method: Crossover pharmacokinetic study of oral (400 or 800 mg) and intravenous (250 mg/m 2) OGT 719. Results: Linear pharmacokinetics and oral bioavailability of approximately 25% were observed at the dose levels used in this study. Like other 5-FU prodrugs, considerable interpatient variability was observed in bioavailability following oral dosing. The mean half-life for oral doses was 4 h. OGT 719 was well tolerated. No objective tumour responses were demonstrated. Conclusion: The systemic bioavailability and half-life of oral OGT 719 are sufficient to merit dose escalation studies with frequent daily dosing. Subsequent efficacy studies should be performed in patients with primary and secondary liver malignancies.

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Like many cautionary tales, The Hunger Games takes as its major premise an observation about contemporary society, measuring its ballistic arc in order to present graphically its logical conclusions. The Hunger Games gazes back to the panem et circenses of Ancient Rome, staring equally cynically forward, following the trajectory of reality television to its unbearably barbaric end point – a sadistic voyeurism for an effete elite of consumers. At each end of the historical spectrum (and in the present), the prevailing social form is Arendt’s animal laborans. Consumer or consumed, Panem’s population is (with the exception of the inner circle) either deprived of the possibility of, or distracted from, political action. Within the confines of the Games themselves, Law is abandoned or de‐realised: Law – an elided Other in the pseudo‐Hobbesian nightmare that is the Arena. The Games are played out, as were gladiatorial combats and other diversions of the Roman Empire, against a background resonant of Juvenal’s concern for his contemporaries’ attachment to short term gratification at the expense the civic virtues of justice and caring which are (or would be) constitutive of a contemporary form of Arendt’s homo politicus. While the Games are, on their face, ‘reality’ they are (like the realities presented in contemporary reality television) a simulated reality, de‐realised in a Foucauldian set design constructed as a distraction for Capitol, and for the residents of the Districts, a constant reminder of their subservience to Capitol. Yet contemporary Western culture, for which manipulative reality TV is but a symptom of an underlying malaise, is inscribed at least as an incipient Panem, Its public/political space is diminished by the effective slavery of the poor, the pre‐occupation with and distractions of materiality and modern media, and the increasing concentration of power/wealth into a smaller proportion of the population.

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The noble idea of studying seminal works to ‘see what we can learn’ has turned in the 1990s into ‘let’s see what we can take’ and in the last decade a more toxic derivative ‘what else can’t we take’. That is my observation as a student of architecture in the 1990s, and as a practitioner in the 2000s. In 2010, the sense that something is ending is clear. The next generation is rising and their gaze has shifted. The idea of classification (as a means of separation) was previously rejected by a generation of Postmodernists; the usefulness of difference declined. It’s there in the presence of plurality in the resulting architecture, a decision to mine history and seize in a willful manner. This is a process of looking back but never forward. It has been a mono-culture of absorption. The mono-culture rejected the pursuit of the realistic. It is a blanket suffocating all practice of architecture in this country from the mercantile to the intellectual. Independent reviews of Australia’s recent contributions to the Venice Architecture Biennales confirm the malaise. The next generation is beginning to reconsider classification as a means of unification. By acknowledging the characteristics of competing forces it is possible to bring them into a state of tension. Seeking a beautiful contrast is a means to a new end. In the political setting, this is described by Noel Pearson as the radical centre[1]. The concept transcends the political and in its most essential form is a cultural phenomenon. It resists the compromised position and suggests that we can look back while looking forward. The radical centre is the only demonstrated opportunity where it is possible to pursue a realistic architecture. A realistic architecture in Australia may be partially resolved by addressing our anxiety of permanence. Farrelly’s built desires[2] and Markham’s ritual demonstrations[3] are two ways into understanding the broader spectrum of permanence. But I think they are downstream of our core problem. Our problem, as architects, is that we are yet to come to terms with this place. Some call it landscape others call it country. Australian cities were laid out on what was mistaken for a blank canvas. On some occasions there was the consideration of the landscape when it presented insurmountable physical obstacles. The architecture since has continued to work on its piece of a constantly blank canvas. Even more ironic is the commercial awards programs that represent a claim within this framework but at best can only establish a dialogue within itself. This is a closed system unable to look forward. It is said that Melbourne is the most European city in the southern hemisphere but what is really being described there is the limitation of a senseless grid. After all, if Dutch landscape informs Dutch architecture why can’t the Australian landscape inform Australian architecture? To do that, we would have to acknowledge our moribund grasp of the meaning of the Australian landscape. Or more precisely what Indigenes call Country[4]. This is a complex notion and there are different ways into it. Country is experienced and understood through the senses and seared into memory. If one begins design at that starting point it is not unreasonable to think we can arrive at an end point that is a counter trajectory to where we have taken ourselves. A recent studio with Masters students confirmed this. Start by finding Country and it would be impossible to end up with a building looking like an Aboriginal man’s face. To date architecture in Australia has overwhelmingly ignored Country on the back of terra nullius. It can’t seem to get past the picturesque. Why is it so hard? The art world came to terms with this challenge, so too did the legal establishment, even the political scene headed into new waters. It would be easy to blame the budgets of commerce or the constraints of program or even the pressure of success. But that is too easy. Those factors are in fact the kind of limitations that opportunities grow out of. The past decade of economic plenty has, for the most part, smothered the idea that our capitals might enable civic settings or an architecture that is able to looks past lot line boundaries in a dignified manner. The denied opportunities of these settings to be prompted by the Country they occupy is criminal. The public realm is arrested in its development because we refuse to accept Country as a spatial condition. What we seem to be able to embrace is literal and symbolic gestures usually taking the form of a trumped up art installations. All talk – no action. To continue to leave the public realm to the stewardship of mercantile interests is like embracing derivative lending after the global financial crisis.Herein rests an argument for why we need a resourced Government Architect’s office operating not as an isolated lobbyist for business but as a steward of the public realm for both the past and the future. New South Wales is the leading model with Queensland close behind. That is not to say both do not have flaws but current calls for their cessation on the grounds of design parity poorly mask commercial self interest. In Queensland, lobbyists are heavily regulated now with an aim to ensure integrity and accountability. In essence, what I am speaking of will not be found in Reconciliation Action Plans that double as business plans, or the mining of Aboriginal culture for the next marketing gimmick, or even discussions around how to make buildings more ‘Aboriginal’. It will come from the next generation who reject the noxious mono-culture of absorption and embrace a counter trajectory to pursue an architecture of realism.

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A 34-year-old female patient with a three year history of generalized granuloma annulare was treated systemically with dapsone (DADPS). Six weeks after the onset of treatment, the patient developed an extensive tonsillitis of the base of the tongue with fever and malaise. Routine laboratory work showed a leukocytopenia with agranulocytosis. Further investigation revealed a marked decrease of the enzyme activity of N-acetyltransferase 2, which plays an important role in dapsone metabolism. Treatment included the cessation of dapsone, antibiotic coverage, and G-CSF leading to the rapid improvement of symptoms and normalization of leukocyte counts. Dapsone-induced angina agranulocytotica is a rare event and is interpreted as an idiosyncratic reaction. Depending on genetic polymorphisms of various enzymes, dapsone can be metabolized to immunologically or toxicologically relevant intermediates. Because of the risk of severe hematologic reactions, dapsone should only be employed for solid indications and with appropriate monitoring. [Article in German]

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Context Older oncology patients have unique needs associated with the many physical, psychological,and social changes associated with the aging process. The mechanisms underpinning and the impact of these changes are not well understood. Identification of clusters of symptoms is one approach that has been used to elicit hypotheses about the biological and/or psychological basis for variations in symptom experiences. Objectives The purposes of this study were to identify and compare symptom clusters in younger (<60 years) and older ($60 years) patients undergoing cancer treatment. Methods. Symptom data from one Australian study and two U.S. studies were combined to conduct this analysis. A total of 593 patients receiving active treatment were dichotomized into younger (<60 years) and older ($60 years) groups. Separate exploratory factor analyses (EFAs) were undertaken within each group to identify symptom clusters from occurrence ratings of the 32 symptoms assessed by the Memorial Symptom Assessment Scale. Results In both groups, a seven-factor solution was selected. Four partially concordant symptom clusters emerged in both groups (i.e., mood/cognitive, malaise, body image, and genitourinary). In the older patients, the three unique clusters reflected physiological changes associated with aging, whereas in the younger group the three unique clusters reflected treatment-related effects. Conclusion The symptom clusters identified in older patients typically included a larger and more diverse range of physical and psychological symptoms. Differences also may be reflective of variations in treatment approaches between age groups. Findings highlight the need for better understanding of variation in treatment and symptom burden between younger and older adults with cancer.

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A prospective study was conducted of fathers' transition to parenthood from mid-pregnancy to 6 weeks postpartum. The subjects were 198 fathers from Greece (Athens) and 142 from Britain (Bristol). Social class, age and parity distributions were similar between the two populations. The culture and social structure experienced by each varied widely, however, and was a focus of interest. Two major themes in fatherhood across the two populations were explored: first, the father's instrumental role in provision of emotional and practical support to his partner and care for his child; and second the father's emotional reaction to his partner's pregnancy, the birth of his child and early parenthood. In both cultures fathers reported that they took an active instrumental role in supporting their partner and in participating in childcare. Markedly more British fathers attended the delivery. There were no overall differences in the degree to which fathers participated in childcare though the nature of this participation varied. British fathers more commonly took on housework duties. During their partner's pregnancy Greek fathers experienced significantly higher malaise than their British counterparts and also reported feeling that they had less social support. Common to many fathers in both cultures during this time were fears that their partner might change or be damaged by the pregnancy. After the birth, there was no difference in emotional well-being between the Greek and British fathers. Reactions to fatherhood and enjoyment of the child were similar for the two cultures also. Patterns of correlation between variables both within and across the antenatal and postnatal time periods were, for the most part, similar for the two cultures. Social support, however, was found to relate to father's emotional and instrumental reaction to parenthood only in the case of the British sample. Findings are discussed in terms of each culture's point on the continuum of social change.

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OBJECTIVE To determine whether the apparent additional and exceptional stresses associated with bearing and parenting twins affect the emotional wellbeing of mothers. SETTING--Great Britain, 1970-5. DESIGN Cohort study of 13,135 children born between 4 April and 11 April 1970. Mothers of all children, both singletons and twins, were interviewed by health visitors (providing demographic data) and completed a self report measure of emotional well-being (the Rutter malaise inventory) when the child was 5 years of age. The malaise scores of mothers of twins were compared with those of all mothers of singletons and then with those of mothers categorised by the age spacing of their children (only one child, widely spaced, or closely spaced), taking account of maternal age, social class, and whether the study child had a disability, by using logistic regression. SUBJECTS 139 mothers of twins--122 pairs of twins and 17 twins whose cotwin had died--and 12,573 controls, who were mothers of singletons. RESULTS A significantly higher proportion of mothers of twins at 5 years had malaise scores indicative of depression than mothers of singletons at the same age. Mothers who had borne twins, one of whom had subsequently died, had the highest malaise scores and were three times more likely than mothers of singletons to experience depression. Both mothers of twin pairs and mothers of singletons closely spaced in age were at significantly higher risk of experiencing depression than mothers of children widely spaced in age or mothers of only one child (p less than 0.0001). Odds ratios indicated that the risk of depression in mothers of twins was higher than that in mothers of closely spaced singletons. CONCLUSION Mothers of twins are more likely to experience depression. This suggests a relation between the additional and exceptional stresses that twins present and the mother's emotional wellbeing.

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Migraine is a complex neurological disorder with a well-documented genetic basis. Migraine is a product of allelic variation in genes of neurological, vascular and hormonal origin interacting with environmental triggers. Presentation can include attacks of head pain with symptoms of nausea, emesis, photophobia, phonophobia, and occasionally, visual sensory disturbances, known as aura. Migraine pain is difficult to ignore, associated with a deep sense of malaise and manifests as a throbbing, pulsatile headache, localized to one side of the head that intensifies with physical activity and that can last from 4-72 hours. Migraine is diagnosed according to criteria developed by the International Headache Society (IHS) and is subdivided into two main types based on the occurrence of aura symptoms that may be present in the early stages of the headache: migraine with aura (MA) and migraine without aura (MO). The majority (about 70%) of migraineurs are diagnosed with the MO subtype whilst the remaining 30% experience MA accompanied by neurological symptoms that manifest as fully reversible, visual, sensory and/or dysphasic speech disturbances in conjunction with their headache. Glutamate is the primary excitatory neurotransmitter in the central nervous system (CNS) and over-excitation of glutamate receptors is regarded as a contributing factor, through various mechanisms, to the pathology of migraine. In this chapter we present an overview of the pathophysiology and co-morbidity of migraine with other psychiatric disorders and discuss the role of the glutamatergic system in migraine, its molecular components as potential drug targets, in addition to the current treatments and progress of modulators of glutamatergic signaling.